What percentage of NAACP in the 1910s was Jewish?

What percentage of NAACP in the 1910s was Jewish?

However, by the mid-1910s, the NAACP had several prominent Jewish members. Brothers Joel and Arthur Spingarn served as board chairman and chief legal counsel, respectively. Herbert Lehman served on the executive committee. Lillian Wald and Walter Sachs served on the board. Jacob Schiffand Paul Warburg were financiers for the organization. By 1920, Herbert Seligmann was director of public relations and Martha Greuning served as his assistant. Other prominent Jewish figures involved in the NAACP founding were Jacob Billikopf, Julius Rosenwald, Rabbi Emil G. Hirsch and Rabbi Stephen Wise. No wonder Marcus Garvey stormed out of the NAACP headquarters in 1917 complaining that it was a White organization.

https://fanghornforest.wordpress.com/2015/11/18/national-association-for-the-advancement-of-kosher-people/


The NAACP was founded around 1910, not the "mid 1910s" by Mary White Ovington, a gentile. In 1914, she wrote a short pamphlet entitled "How the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People Began". According to this account nearly all the founding members were gentiles, although an important figure at the beginning was Henry Moscowitz, a close of Ovington's. Another important figure was William English Walling, who came from a prominent Southern family, but was influenced by his wife, Anna Strunsky, a Russian Jew highly involved in various social causes. The original officers of the organization were:

Moorfield Storey
William English Walling
John E. Milholland
Oswald Garrison Villard
Frances Blascoer
William Edward Burghardt Du Bois

Among these only Blascoer was Jewish. In general, the main body of the organization was composed of wealthy Protestant abolitionists like Storey, Milholland and Villard and there were many Christian clergy. Jewish members, like Walling's wife, were certainly present, but they were a minority, perhaps making up 10% - 15% at most.


The RAC and the Civil Rights Movement

It is unsurprising that Jews responded powerfully to the fight against racial segregation and discrimination in America. After all, no group in history has been so frequently the victim of racial hatred.

[ Excerpted from A. Vorspan and D. Saperstein, Jewish Dimensions of Social Justice: Tough Moral Choices of Our Time (UAHC Press: 1998, 203ff) ]

It is unsurprising that Jews responded powerfully to the fight against racial segregation and discrimination in America. After all, no group in history has been so frequently the victim of racial hatred. As a result, few segments of the American community have invested themselves as deeply as the Jewish community in the struggle for civil rights. As a result of the demands of faith and of enlightened self-interest, Jews served in the forefront of the fight to end racial segregation in education, public accommodations and voting, by playing an active role in the equality struggles of the ’50s and ’60s, when a strong black/Jewish alliance was at the heart of the civil rights movement.

  • When the Mississippi Summer of 1964 was organized to break the back of legal segregation in the most stubbornly resistant state of the Union, 50 percent of the young people who volunteered from all parts of the United States were Jews. In that struggle, white extremists killed three martyrs in Philadelphia, Mississippi. Two of them, Andrew Goodman and Michael Schwerner, were Jewish the third, James Earl Chaney, was black.
  • Jews helped found and/or contributed substantially to the funds raised by such organizations as the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, the Southern Christian Leadership Conference and the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee.
  • For many years, Kivie Kaplan (a vice-chair of the Reform Jewish movement) was the national president of the NAACP Arnie Aronson and Joe Rauh Jr. served as secretary and general counsel, respectively, to the Leadership Conference on Civil Rights (LCCR) Jack Greenberg was the executive director of the NAACP Legal Defense Fund. These were just a few of the many Jews who played key roles in the civil rights movement. Fittingly, in 1998, President Clinton presented the Presidential Medal of Freedom to Aronson, an American Jewish leader who, with the legendary A. Philip Randolph and Roy Wilkins, founded the LCCR. For decades, Aronson led Jewish and black civil rights leaders in mapping strategies to pass more than 30 far-reaching civil rights laws.
  • From 1910-1940, more than 2,000 schools and 20 black colleges (including Howard, Dillard and Fisk Universities) were funded in whole or in part by contributions from Jewish philanthropist Julius Rosenwald. At the height of the so-called “Rosenwald schools,” nearly 40 percent of southern Blacks were educated at one of these institutions.
  • Rabbis marched with Martin Luther King Jr., throughout the South, where some were beaten and many were jailed. Prominent among these was Rabbi Abraham Joshua Heschel, who was a spiritual partner to King in the struggle against racism. Many of the leaders of the URJ and CCAR were arrested with Martin Luther King, Jr., in St. Augustine, Florida in 1964 after a challenge to racial segregation in public accommodations.

The Reform Movement and Civil Rights
​Jewish political leverage contributed to passage of landmark civil rights laws, nationally and locally. Once civil rights and religious groups mobilized the conscience of America against racial evil, changes came at least. The Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965 were both drafted in the conference room of the RAC's building in Washington, D.C., under the aegis of the Leadership Conference on Civil Rights (which for decades was housed in the Center).

The Jewish Community continued as avid supporters of over a score of the most far-reaching civil rights laws in the nation's history, addressing persistent discrimination in voting, housing, and employment, against women, racial minorities, and persons with disabilities.

The Reform Movement has been looked to since the 1990s, as its leaders represent the Jewish community on the executive committees of LCCR and the national board of the NAACP. Rabbi David Saperstein is currently the only non-African-American on the NAACP board.


Civil Rights and the Arthur and Sara Jo Kobacker Building
​For 30 years, the Religious Action Center housed a number of key civil rights and Jewish organizations who met regularly to mobilize support for civil rights legislation. The following are a sampling of some of the key civil rights bills that were either drafted at the Center and/or for which the coalition supporting the legislation held their meetings in the Center's conference room:


History of The Jews in Hungary - Jewish Population As A Percentage of The Total in 1910

N = Neolog majority n = Neolog minority Q = Status quo ante majority q = Status quo ante minority X = Orthodox majority x = Orthodox minority * = Chasidic dynasty is present (see). If the town and village had only an Orthodox community, it is not marked.

The town or village belonged to SL = Slovakia, RO = Romania, GE = Germany, IT = Italy, CR = Croatia between 1941 and 1944. The unmarked communities were under Hungarian rule during the Holocaust.

The pronunciation of Hungarian names is consistent: s= sh, sz= s, c= cz = tz, cs= ch, zs= zh, gy= dy, ly= y, j= y.

The list of "rendezett tanácsú" or "törvényhatósági jogú" (i.e. autonomous) towns where the Jewish population exceeded 5% were:

  • Munkács (Mukachevo) 44.4% *,
  • Máramarossziget (Sighetu Marmaţiei) 37.4% *,
  • Ungvár (Uzhhorod) 31.4% *Xn, Bártfa (Bardejov SL) 30.4%, Beregszász (Berehove) 30.2% *,
  • Sátoraljaújhely 28.7% *Xq,
  • Nagyvárad (Oradea) 23.6% Xn, Budapest 23.1% Nx, Nyitra (Nitra SL) 22.4% *,
  • Szilágysomlyó (Şimleu Silvaniei) 20.9%, Bánffyhunyad (Huedin) 20.7%, Szatmárnémeti (Satu Mare) 20.6% *Xq, Miskolc 20.0% *,
  • Dés (Dej) 18.9% *, Újpest, now part of Budapest 18.4% N,
  • Trencsén (Trenčín SL) 16.7%, Késmárk (Kežmarok SL) 16.6%, Losonc (Lučenec) 16.5% Nx, Eperjes (Prešov SL) 16.4%, Zsolna (Žilina SL) 16.0%,
  • Nagykároly (Carei) 15.5%, Pápa 15.3% *, Kassa (Košice) 15.2% *Nx,
  • Léva (Levice) 14.3% Q, Nagyszombat (Trnava SL) 14.0%,
  • Kaposvár 13.9% N, Gyulafehérvár (Alba Iulia RO) 13.7%, Kisszeben (Sabinov SL) 13.3%, Poprád (Poprad SL) 13.0%,
  • Nagykanizsa 12.7% N, Győr 12.6% Nx, Gyöngyös 12.6% Qx, Zalaegerszeg 12.4% N, Szepesváralja (Spišské Podhradie SL) 12.4%,
  • Hátszeg (Hațeg RO) 11.8%, Besztercebánya (Banská Bystrica SL) 11.7%, Kolozsvár (Cluj-Napoca) 11.6% *Xn, Szamosújvár (Gherla) 11.3%, Vác 11.2%,
  • Beszterce (Bistriţa) 10.9%, Nagybánya (Baia Mare) 10.9%, Szászrégen (Reghin) 10.8% *, Komárom 10.7% Nx, Pozsony (Bratislava SL, Pressburg) 10.5%, Nyíregyháza 10.2% Qx, Szombathely 10.1% Nx, Arad (Arad RO) 10.0%, Rimaszombat (Rimavská Sobota) 10.0%,
  • Baja 9.9% N, Eger 9.5% *qx, Érsekújvár (Nové Zámky) 9.5% Xn, Lőcse (Levoča SL) 9.5%, Lugos (Lugoj RO) 9.5%, Temesvár (Timișoara RO) 9.3%, Dicsőszentmárton (Târnăveni RO) 9.2%, Debrecen 9.1% *, Déva (Deva RO) 9.1%,
  • Marosvásárhely (Târgu Mureş) 8.7% Xq, Rózsahegy (Ružomberok SL) 8.7%, Veszprém 8.6% N, Székesfehérvár 8.3% Nx, Pécs 8.1% N,
  • Fogaras (Făgăraş RO) 7.8%, Rozsnyó (Rožňava) 7.5% N, Jolsva (Jelšava) 7.5%, Bazin (Pezinok SL) 7.5%, Szolnok 7.2% N,
  • Újvidék (Novi Sad) 6.9% N, Zólyom (Zvolen SL) 6.9%, Sopron (Ödenburg) 6.7% nx, Nagyrőce (Revúca SL) 6.7%, Körmöcbánya (Kremnica SL) 6.6%, Csíkszereda (Miercurea-Ciuc) 6.5%, Kolozs (Cojocna) 6.5%, Igló (Spišská Nová Ves SL) 6.3%, Felsőbánya (Baia Sprie) 6.1%, Szepesbéla (Spišská Belá SL) 6.1%, Hajdúnánás 6.0%,
  • Szeged 5.8% N, Makó 5.5% Xn, Kismarton (Eisenstadt GE) 5.5%, Szekszárd 5.6% N, Karánsebes (Caransebeş RO) 5.2%, Zilah (Zalău) 5.1%, Esztergom 5.1% N.

In several towns, the number of Jews exceeded one thousand people, but their ratio in the local population was less than 5.0%. These towns included Szabadka (Subotica) Nx with 3539 Jewish residents (3.7%), Kecskemét 2022 (3.0%), Békéscsaba 1970 (4.6%), Fiume (Rijeka IT) 1696 (3.4%), Hódmezővásárhely 1381 (2.2%), Zenta(Senta) * 1328 (4.5%), Nagybecskerek (Зрењанин, Zrenjanin) 1232 (4.7%), Cegléd 1121 (3.3%), Karcag 1077 (4.7%), Kiskunfélegyháza 1051 (3.0%), while Jászberény had 1017 (3.4%).

Other towns & villages with significant Jewish presence in 1910 included:

  • Alsókismartonhegy (now part of Eisenstadt GE) 79.3%, Tiszakarácsonyfa (Crăciuneşti) 52.8%,
  • Faluszlatina (Solotvyno) 47.6%, Sztropkó (Stropkov SL) 44.1% *, Dunaszerdahely (Dunajská Streda) 43.6% *, Alsóverecke (Нижні Ворота, Nyzhni Vorota) 41.3%,
  • Oroszvég (Rosvehove, now part of Mukachevo) 39.5%, Romoly (Romuli) 39.2%, Visóoroszi (Ruscova) 37.5%,
  • Homonna (Humenné SL) 34.8%, Tiszaújlak (Вилок, Vylok) 34.8%, Nagyberezna (Великий Березний, Velyky Berezny) 34.5%, Mezőlaborc (Medzilaborce SL) 34.3%,
  • Nagykapos (Veľké Kapušany) 33.8%, Beregkövesd (Кам'янське, Kamjans'ke) 33.5%, Hunfalva (Huncovce SL) 33.2% *,
  • Felsővisó (Vişeu de Sus) 32.9%, Szaplonca (Săpânţa) 32.6% *, Galánta (Galanta) 32.4%, Nagymihály (Michalovce) 32.3%, Majdánka (Maydan) 31.8%,
  • Halmi (Halmeu) 30.7%, Kisvárda 30.3%, Liptószentmiklós (Liptovský Mikuláš SL) 30.3%, Nagytapolcsány (Topoľčany SL) 30.2%, Rozália (Rozavlea) 30.1%,
  • Zboró (Zborov SL) 29.7%, Ósándorfalva (Олександрівка, Oleksandrivka) 29.7%,
  • Gálszécs (Sečovce SL) 28.8%, Nagyszőlős (Vynohradiv) 28.6%, Bacsó (Чабанівка, Chabanivka) 28.5%, Bustyaháza (Буштинo, Bushtyno) 28.2%, Kökényes (Терново, Ternovo) 28.0%,
  • Lakompak (Lackenbach GE) 27.8%, Varannó (Vranov nad Topľou SL) 27.4%,
  • Benedeki (Бенедиківці, Benedykivci) 26.9%, Majszin (Moisei) 26.8%, Vágújhely (Nové Mesto nad Váhom SL) 26.4%, Szolyva (Svaliava) 26.2%, Hidalmás (Hida) 26.0%,
  • Szerednye (Serednje, Середнє) 25.8%, Dragomérfalva (Dragomireşti) 25.7%, Nagysomkút (Şomcuta Mare) 25.4%, Gánya (Ганичі, Ganychi) 25.4%, Vajnág (Вонігово, Vonihovo 25.2%, Bárdfalva (Berbești) 25.1%,
  • Ilosva (Irshava) 24.9%, Magyarlápos (Târgu Lăpuş) 24.6%, Nagykirva (Криве, Kryve) 24.6%, Sasvár (Šaštín-Stráže SL) 24.5%, Szepesófalu (Spišská Stará Ves SL) 24.4%, Szobránc (Sobrance) 24.3%, Szabadszállás 24.3%, Kisdobrony (Мала Добронь, Mala Dobron') 24.2%, Kabolapatak (Valea Hotarului) 24.2%, Borsa (Borşa) 24.2%,
  • Tolcsva 23.5% *, Németvágás (Poruba pod Vihorlatom SL) 23.3%, Polena (Поляна, Poljana) 23.2%, Huszt (Khust) 23.0% *,
  • Mezőkaszony (Косонь, Koson') 22.9%, Retteg (Reteag) 22.9%, Nagyilonda (Ileanda) 22.7% Tornalja (Tornaľa SL) 22.5%, Nyitrazsámbokrét (Žabokreky nad Nitrou SL) 22.4%, Taracköz (Тересва, Teresva) 22.2%, Uglya (Угля, Uglja) 22.0%,
  • Tokaj 21.9%, Felsőapsa (Верхнє Водяне, Verhnje Vodjane) 21.9%, Bilke (Білки, Bilky) 21.8%, Alőr (Urişor) 21.8%, Alsókubin (Dolný Kubín SL) 21.6%, Margitta (Marghita) 21.5%, Alsókálinfalva (Kalini) 21.5%, Puhó (Púchov SL) 21.1%, Királyhelmec (Kráľovský Chlmec) 21.0%, Petrova (Petrova) 21.0%, Szeklence (Сокирниця, Sokyrnycja) 21.0%,
  • Héthárs (Lipany SL) 20.7%, Balassagyarmat 20.6%, Vásárosnamény 20.5%, Kabold (Kobersdorf GE) 20.2%, Nyírmada 20.2%, Nagymagyar (Zlaté Klasy) 20.2%, Girált (Giraltovce SL) 20.0%,
  • Nagybiccse (Bytča SL) 19.8%, Alsóróna (Rona de Jos) 19.8%, Ökörmező (Mizhhir'ya) 19.7%, Nagybocskó (Velykyy Bychkiv) 19.5%, Mád 19.4%, Bodrogkeresztúr 19.3% *, Érmihályfalva (Valea lui Mihai) 19.2%, Havasmező (Poienile de sub Munte) 19.2%, Beregkisfalud (Сільце, Sil'ce) 19.1%, Bethlen (Beclean) 19.0%, Úrmező (Руське Поле, Rus'ke Pole) 19.0%, Mátészalka 19.0%, Abaújszántó 19.0%,
  • Izaszacsal (Săcel) 18.9%, Nyírbátor 18.8%, Irhóc (Вілхівці, Vilkhivci) 18.8%, Sopronkeresztúr (Deutschkreutz GE) 18.6% *, Putnok 18.1%, Dombó (Dubove) 18.1%,
  • Bonyhád 17.8% Xn, Bözödújfalu (Bezidu Nou) 17.7%, Felsővízköz (Svidník SL) 17.7%, Ilonca (Ільниця, Il'nycja) 17.7%, Bán (Bánovce nad Bebravou SL) 17.6%, Szikszó 17.3%, Herincse (Horynchovo) 17.2%, Kissalló (now part of Tekovské Lužianky) 17.2%, Csenger 17.2%,
  • Budfalva (Budeşti, Bistriţa-Năsăud) 16.9%, Magyarnemegye (Nimigea de Jos) 16.9%, Lemes (Lemešany SL) 16.8%, Naszód (Năsăud) 16.7% *, Volóc (Воловець, Volovec') 16.2%, Lipcse (Липча, Lypcha) 16.1%,
  • Zsibó (Jibou) 15.9%, Ipolyság (Šahy) 15.7%, Encs 15.7%, Szinérváralja (Seini) 15.6%,
  • Balatonboglár 15.4% N, Tab 15.3%, Barcánfalva (Bârsana) 15.2%, Kovácsrét (Кушниця, Kusnycja 15.1%, Boldogasszony (Frauenkirchen GE) 15.1%, Szerencs 15.1%, Radnótfája (Iernuţeni, now part of Reghin) 15.0%, Szilágycseh (Cehu Silvaniei) 15.0%,
  • Szenice (Senica SL) 14.9%, Alsóhidegpatak (Нижний Студенї, Nyzhny Studeni) 14.9%, Técső (Tiachiv) 14.8% *, Jód (Ieud) 14.8%, Turócszentmárton (Martin SL) 14.7%, Ölyvös (Вільхівка, Vil'khivka) 14.7%, Alsóvisó (Viseu de Jos) 14.6%,
  • Olaszliszka 14.4% *, Alsószinevér (Sinevir) 14.3%, Kövesliget (Драгово, Drahovo) 14.3%, Felsőszelistye (Săliştea de Sus) 14.2%, Alsólendva (Lendava) 14.0%, Borgóprund (Prundu Bârgăului) 14.0%,
  • Tapolca 13.8% N, Keszthely 13.8% N, Rohod 13.8%, Galgóc (Hlohovec SL) 13.7%, Hodász 13.6%, Nagymarton (Mattersdorf GE) 13.5% *, Avasújfalu (Certeze) 13.5%,
  • Fehérgyarmat 13.4%, Alsóapsa (Нижня Апша, Nyzhnja Apsha) 13.4%, Királyháza (Королеве, Koroleve) 13.4%, Aszód 13.3% N, Tasnád (Tăşnad) 13.3%,
  • Levelek 12.9%, Ólubló (Stará Ľubovňa SL) 12.8%, Jánosháza 12.7%, Nyírbogát 12.7%, Élesd (Aleşd) 12.7%, Vaján (Vojany) 12.6%, Vitka (now part of Vásárosnamény) 12.5%,
  • Jármi 12.4%, Rahó (Rakhiv) 12.3%, Mándok 12.3%, Vágbeszterce (Považská Bystrica SL) 12.3%, Szamossályi 12.2%, Nyírtass 12.2% *, Csaroda 12.1%, Gergelyi 12.1%, Berettyóújfalu 12.1%, Nyírmeggyes 12.0%,
  • Sajószentpéter 11.9%, Csáktornya (Čakovec) 11.9% N, Gemzse 11.9%, Nyírbakta 11.8%, Aranyosmarót (Zlaté Moravce SL) 11.8%, Jóka (Jelka) 11.7%, Nagyatád 11.6% N, Szentgotthárd 11.6% N, Siófok 11.5% N, Pöstyén (Piešťany SL) 11.5%,
  • Nagykálló 11.3% *, Beled 11.3%, Ilk 11.3%, Vaja 11.3%, Gernyés (Копашньово, Kopashn'ovo) 11.3%, Nagysurány (Šurany) 11.2%, Vilmány 11.2%, Erdőbénye 11.1%, Gyömöre 11.1%, Nagysimonyi 11.0%, Nyírjákó 11.0%, Sárospatak 11.0%
  • Zalaszentgrót 10.9% N, Dolha (Довге, Dovhe) 10.8%, Nyírcsászári 10.8%, Párkány (Štúrovo) 10.7% N, Szécsény 10.7%, Iza (Iza) 10.7%, Kemecse 10.6%, Nagymegyer (Veľký Meder) 10.6%, Hernádcsány (Čaňa) 10.6%, Avasújváros (Oraşu Nou) 10.5%,
  • Barcs 10.3% N, Szenc (Senec) 10.3%, Lövőpetri 10.2%, Szinna (Snina SL) 10.1%, Avasfelsőfalu (Negrești-Oaș) 10.1%, Szepsi (Moldava nad Bodvou) 10.0%, Magosliget 10.0%, Petneháza 10.0%,
  • Tiszalök 9.9%, Kisvarsány 9.9%, Újfehértó 9.8% *, Hőgyész 9.7%, Csorna 9.7%, Hidasnémeti 9.7%, Dombóvár 9.6%, Demecser 9.6%, Maroshévíz (Toplița) 9.6%, Holics (Holíč SL) 9.6%, Nagypalád (Велика Паладь, Velyka Palad') 9.6%, Garbolc 9.6%, Ramocsaháza 9.6%, Szabolcsbáka 9.5%, Mezőcsát 9.5%, Olcsva 9.5%, Erzsébetfalva (now part of Budapest) 9.5%,
  • Ónod 9.3%, Vámosmikola 9.2%, Büdszentmihály (now part of Tiszavasvári) 9.1%, Gyüre 9.1%, Hejőcsaba 9.1%, Aranyosmeggyes (Medieșu Aurit) 9.1%, Privigye (Prievidza SL) 9.1%, Pásztó 9.1%, Nyárádszereda (Miercurea Nirajului) 9.0%, Porcsalma 9.0%,
  • Tarcal 8.9%, Illava (Ilava SL) 8.9%, Ond 8.9%, Körmend 8.8% N, Ópályi 8.8%, Egeres (Aghireșu) 8.7%, Verebély (Vráble) 8.6%, Nagygéc 8.6%, Veszprém 8.6%, Szilágypér (Pir) 8.6%, Céke (Cejkov) 8.6%, Zalalövő 8.5%, Muraszombat (Murska Sobota) 8.5% N, Sásd 8.5%, Gyulaháza 8.5%, Szendrő 8.5%,
  • Cégénydányád 8.4%, Perecseny (Перечин, Perechyn), 8.4%, Vágsellye (Šaľa) 8.4%, Kersemjén 8.4%, Szurduk (Surduc) 8.4%, Sárvár 8.3% Xn, Marcali 8.3% N, Edelény 8.3%, Szigetvár 8.3%, Fülesd 8.3%, Tiszaadony 8.3%, Kraszna (Crasna) 8.3%, Celldömölk 8.3%, Vármező (Buciumi) 8.2%, Visk (Вишковo, Vyshkovo) 8.1%, Diszel 8.1%, Feled (Jesenské SL) 8.1%, Fülek (Fiľakovo) 8.0%, Paks 8.0%,
  • Tata 7.9% N, Ruttka (Vrútky SL) 7.9%, Nyírbogdány 7.9%, Oszlány (Oslany SL)) 7.8%, Boldogkőváralja 7.8%, Kisbér 7.8%, Tállya 7.7%, Bercel 7.7%, Gönc 7.7%, Csaca (Čadca SL) 7.7%, Nagyecsed 7.6% *, Farkasrév (Vadu Izei) 7.6%, Eszék (Osijek CR) 7.5%, Nyíracsád 7.5%, Nyírkarász 7.5%, Széphalom 7.5%,
  • Salgótarján 7.4%, Balatonfüred 7.4%, Gégény 7.4%, Tiszaszentmárton 7.4%, Szirák 7.3%, Csabrendek 7.3%, Dámóc 7.3%, Szatmárcseke 7.3%, Hatvan 7.2% N, Sárbogárd 7.2%, Telcs (Telciu) 7.2%, Devecser 7.1%, Moson (Wieselburg, now part of Mosonmagyaróvár) 7.1% Q, Városszalónak (Stadtschlaining GE) 7.1%, Álmosd 7.1%, Apc 7.0%, Óradna (Rodna) 7.0%, Liptóújvár (Liptovský Hrádok SL)) 7.0%, Csákigorbó (Gârbou) 7.0%, Nyírmihálydi 7.0%, Tiszadada 7.0%,
  • Fábiánháza 6.9%, Gulács 6.9%, Kővágóörs 6.8%, Vajszló 6.8%, Tiszafüred 6.8%, Pacsa 6.8% N, Belovár (Bjelovar CR) 6.8%, Bercsényifalva (Дубриничі, Dubrynychi) 6.8%, Apahida (Apahida) 6.8%, Borszék (Borsec) 6.7%, Alsószopor (Supuru de Jos) 6.6%, Ricse 6.6%, Nagytétény (now part of Budapest) 6.5%, Dombrád 6.5%,
  • Podolin (Podolínec SL) 6.4%, Liptótepla (Liptovská Teplá SL)) 6.4%, Talaborfalu (Теребля, Tereblja 6.4%, Rohonc (Rechnitz GE) 6.3%, Malacka (Malacky SL) 6.3%, Földes 6.3%, Kapolcs 6.3%, Rajka 6.3%, Pécel 6.2% Q, Vámospércs 6.2%, Aknasugatag (Ocna Şugatag) 6.1%, Nagydobrony (Велика Добронь, Velyka Dobron') 6.0%, Sümeg 6.0%,
  • Kapuvár 5.9%, Harkány 5.9%, Rákosszentmihály (now part of Budapest) 5.9%, Nyírlugos 5.8%, Pécsvárad 5.8%, Kaba 5.8%, Tinnye 5.8%, Salánk (Шаланки, Shalanky) 5.8%, Hajdúsámson 5.7%, Tét 5.7%, Alistál (Dolný Štál) 5.7%, Mezőkeresztes 5.7%, Mohács 5.6% N, Tamási 5.6% N, Kapronca (Koprivnica CR) 5.6%, Pincehely 5.6%, Kispest (now part of Budapest) 5.5% N, Vasvár 5.5% N, Pozsega (Požega CR) 5.5%, Bród (Slavonski Brod CR) 5.5%, Harsány 5.5%,
  • Zágráb (Zagreb CR) 5.4%, Tarpa 5.2%, Tiszabő 5.4%, Szakoly 5.4%, Derecske 5.3%, Kistarcsa 5.3%, Vadna 5.3%, Verpelét 5.3%, Villány 5.3%, Kunmadaras 5.2%, Kalocsa 5.1% N, Sziszek (Sisak CR) 5.0%, Enying 5.0%, Piliscsaba 5.0%, Pócspetri 5.0%, Monor 5.0%.

Counties, where the Jewish population, including the autonomous towns, reached 4% were

  • Máramaros 18.4%, Bereg 14.2%, Ugocsa 12.9%, Ung 10.9%,
  • Zemplén 9.6%, Szabolcs 7.9%, Szatmár 7.4%, Sáros 7.1%, Abaúj-Torna 7.1%,
  • Bihar 6.4%, Hajdú 6.0%, Pozsony 5.8%, Beszterce-Naszód 5.7%, Nyitra 5.0%, Szolnok-Dobóka 5.1%,
  • Szilágy 4.3%, Kolozs 4.3%, Szepes 4.3%.

Famous quotes containing the words jewish, population, percentage and/or total :

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Don: It is? So what about Kelly’s and Gallagher’s?
Pawnbroker: They’re closed, too. We’ve got an agreement. They keep closed on Yom Kippur and we don’t open on St. Patrick’s. &rdquo
&mdashBilly Wilder (b. 1906)

&ldquo How much atonement is enough? The bombing must be allowed as at least part-payment: those of our young people who are concerned about the moral problem posed by the Allied air offensive should at least consider the moral problem that would have been posed if the German civilian population had not suffered at all. &rdquo
&mdashClive James (b. 1939)

&ldquo Actually, if my business was legitimate, I would deduct a substantial percentage for depreciation of my body.
Contemplative and bookish men must of necessitie be more quarrelsome than others, because they contend not about matter of fact, nor can determine their controversies by any certain witnesses, nor judges. But as long as they goe towards peace, that is Truth, it is no matter which way. &rdquo
&mdashJohn Donne (c. 1572�)

&ldquo Computers are good at swift, accurate computation and at storing great masses of information. The brain, on the other hand, is not as efficient a number cruncher and its memory is often highly fallible a basic inexactness is built into its design. The brain’s strong point is its flexibility. It is unsurpassed at making shrewd guesses and at grasping the total meaning of information presented to it. &rdquo
&mdashJeremy Campbell (b. 1931)


History

The fledgling group struggled for a time with limited resources and decided to broaden its membership in order to increase its scope and effectiveness. Solicitations for support went out to more than 60 prominent Americans of the day and a meeting date was set for February 12, 1909, intended to coincide with the 100th anniversary of the birth of President Abraham Lincoln. While the meeting did not occur until three months later, this date is often cited as the founding date of the organization.

May 30, 1909, the Niagara Movement conference took place at New York City's Henry Street Settlement House, from which an organization of more than 40 individuals emerged, calling itself the National Negro Committee. Du Bois played a key role in organizing the event and presided over the proceedings. Also in attendance was African-American journalist and anti-lynching crusader Ida B. Wells-Barnett, co-founder of the NAACP. The organization held its second conference in May 1910, where members chose the name the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People. The name was formally adopted May 30, and the NAACP incorporated a year later, in 1911. The association's charter delineated its mission:

DuBois continued to play a pivotal role in the organization and served as editor of the association's magazine, The Crisis, which had a circulation of over 30,000.

The Jewish community contributed hugely to the NAACP's founding and continued financing. The Jewish historian Howard Sachar writes in his book A History of Jews in America of how "In 1914, Professor Emeritus Joel Spingarn of Columbia University became chairman of the NAACP and recruited for its board such Jewish leaders as Jacob Schiff, Jacob Billikopf, and Rabbi Stephen Wise." [1] (http://www.myjewishlearning.com/history_community/Modern/Overview_The_Story_19481980/America/PWPolitics/CivilRights.htm)

Fighting Jim Crow

By 1914, the group had 6,000 members and 50 branches, and was influential in winning the right of African-Americans to serve as officers in World War I. Six hundred African-American officers were commissioned and 700,000 registered for the draft. The following year the NAACP organized a nationwide protest against D.W. Griffith's silent film Birth of a Nation, a film that glamorized the Ku Klux Klan.

The NAACP began playing a leading role in lawsuits aimed at racial segregation and other denials of civil rights early in its history. It played a significant part in the challenge to Oklahoma's discriminatory "grandfather" rule that disenfranchised many black citizens. It persuaded the United States Supreme Court to rule in Buchanan v. Warley in 1917 that states cannot officially segregate African-Americans into separate residential districts.

In 1916, when the NAACP was just seven years old, chairman Joel Spingarn invited James Weldon Johnson to serve as field secretary. Johnson was a former U.S. consul to Venezuela and a noted scholar and columnist. Within four years, Johnson was instrumental in increasing the NAACP's membership from 9,000 to almost 90,000. In 1920, Johnson was elected head of the organization. Over the next ten years under his leadership, the NAACP would escalate its lobbying and litigation efforts, becoming internationally known for its advocacy of equal rights and equal protection for the "American Negro".

The NAACP devoted much of its energy between the First and Second World Wars to fighting the lynching of blacks throughout the United States. The organization sent Walter F. White to Phillips County, Arkansas, in October, 1919, to investigate the Elaine Race Riot in which more than two hundred black tenant farmers were killed by roving white vigilantes and federal troops after a deputy sheriff's attack on a union meeting of sharecroppers left one white man dead. The NAACP organized the appeals for the twelve men sentenced to death a month later, based on testimony obtained by beating and electric shocks, and obtained a groundbreaking Supreme Court decision in Moore v. Dempsey Template:Ussc that significantly expanded the federal courts' oversight of the states' criminal justice systems in the years to come.

The NAACP also spent more than a decade seeking federal legislation barring lynching. The organization regularly displayed a black flag stating "A Man Was Lynched Yesterday" from the window of its offices in New York to mark each outrage.

The NAACP led the successful fight, in alliance with the American Federation of Labor to prevent the nomination of John Johnston Parker to the Supreme Court based on his support for denial of the right to vote to blacks and his anti-labor rulings. It organized support for the Scottsboro Boys, although the NAACP lost most of the internecine battles with the Communist Party and the International Labor Defense over the control of those cases and the strategy to be pursued. The organization also brought litigation to challenge the "white primary" system in the South.

Desegregation

The NAACP's legal department, headed by Charles Hamilton Houston and Thurgood Marshall, undertook a campaign spanning several decades to bring about the reversal of the separate but equal doctrine announced by the Supreme Court's decision in Plessy v. Ferguson. Beginning by challenging segregation in state professional schools, then attacking Jim Crow at the college level, the campaign culminated in a unanimous Supreme Court decision in Brown v. Board of Education that held that state-sponsored segregation of elementary schools was unconstitutional.

Bolstered by that victory, the NAACP pushed for full desegregation throughout the South. Starting on December 5, 1955, NAACP activists, including E.D. Nixon, its local president, and Rosa Parks, who had served as the chapter's Secretary, helped organize a bus boycott in Montgomery, Alabama, to protest segregation on the city's buses when two-thirds of the riders were black. The boycott lasted 381 days.

The State of Alabama responded by effectively barring the NAACP from operating within its borders for its refusal to divulge a list of its members, out of fear that they would be fired or face violent retaliation for their activities. While the Supreme Court eventually overturned the decision in NAACP v. Alabama, Template:Ussc the NAACP lost its leadership role in the Civil Rights Movement during those years to organizations such as the Southern Christian Leadership Conference and the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee that relied on direct action and mass mobilization, rather than litigation and legislation to advance the rights of African-Americans. Roy Wilkins, its president at that time, clashed repeatedly with Martin Luther King, Jr., and other civil rights leaders over questions of strategy and prestige within the movement.

At the same time, the NAACP used the Supreme Court's decision in Brown to press for desegregation of schools and public facilities throughout the country. Daisy Bates, president of its Arkansas state chapter, spearheaded the campaign by the Little Rock Nine to integrate the public schools in Little Rock, Arkansas.

By the mid-1960s, the NAACP had regained some of its preeminence in the Civil Rights Movement by pressing for civil rights legislation. The March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom took place on August 28, 1963. Congress passed a civil rights bill aimed at ending racial discrimination in employment, education and public accommodations in 1964, followed by a voting rights act in 1965.

After Kivie Kaplan died in 1975, Benjamin Hooks, a lawyer and clergyman, was elected the NAACP's executive director in 1977.

The 1990s: Crisis and restored strength

In the 1990s, the NAACP ran into debt, and the dismissal of two leading officials further added to the picture of an organization in deep crisis.

In 1993 the NAACP's Board of Directors narrowly selected Reverend Benjamin Chavis over Reverend Jesse Jackson to fill the position of Executive Secretary. A controversial figure, Chavis was ousted eighteen months later by the same board that hired him, accused of using NAACP funds for an out-of-court settlement in a sexual harassment lawsuit. [2] (http://static.highbeam.com/n/newyorkamsterdamnews/october081994/betrayalthecaseagainstbenchavis)

Following the dismissal of Chavis, Myrlie Evers-Williams narrowly defeated NAACP chairperson William Gibson in 1995, after Gibson was accused of overspending and mismanagement of the organization's funds. In 1996 Congressman Kweisi Mfume a Democratic Congressman from Maryland and former head of the Congressional Black Caucus, was named the organization's president. Three years later strained finances forced the organization to drastically cut its staff, from 250 in 1992 to just fifty.

However, in the second half of the 1990s, the organization restored its finances, permitting the NAACP National Voter Fund to launch a major get-out-the-vote offensive in the 2000 U.S. presidential elections. 10.5 million African Americans cast their ballots in the election, one million more than four years before, and the NAACP's effort was credited by observers as playing a significant role in handing Democrat Al Gore several states where the election was close, such as Pennsylvania and Michigan.

Timeline

1909 to 1949

1909: On February 12, the National Negro Committee was formed. Founders included Ida Wells-Barnett, W.E.B. DuBois, Henry Moscowitz, Mary White Ovington, Oswald Garrison Villiard, William English Walling.

1910: The NAACP began court fights with the Pink Franklin case. It involved a black farmhand, who killed a policeman in self-defense when the officer broke into his home at 3 a.m. to arrest him on a civil charge.

1913: The NAACP protested President Woodrow Wilson's official introduction of segregation to the federal government.

1914: Professor Emeritus Joel Spingarn of Columbia University became chairman of the NAACP and recruited for its board such Jewish leaders as Jacob Schiff, Jacob Billikopf, and Rabbi Stephen Wise.

1915: The NAACP organizes a nationwide protest against D.W. Griffith's racially inflammatory and bigoted silent film, Birth of a Nation.

1917: In Buchanan v. Warley, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that states can not restrict and officially segregate African Americans into residential districts. Also, the NAACP won a battle to enable African-Americans to be commissioned as officers in World War I. Six hundred officers were commissioned, and 700,000 black men registered for the draft.

1918: After pressure by the NAACP, President Woodrow Wilson made a public statement against lynching.

1919: The NAACP sends Walter F. White to Arkansas to investigate the murder of several hundred black tenant farmers in October. The NAACP organizes the appeals on behalf of more than a hundred African-American defendants convicted in mob-dominated judicial proceedings the following month.

1920: To ensure that everyone, especially the Ku Klux Klan, knew the NAACP would not be intimidated, the annual conference was held in Atlanta, considered one of the most active areas of the Klan.

1922: The NAACP placed large ads in major newspapers to present the facts about lynching.

1930: The first of successful protests by the NAACP against Supreme Court justice nominees is begun against John Parker, who favored laws that discriminated against African-Americans.

1935: NAACP lawyers Charles Hamilton Houston and Thurgood Marshall won a legal fight to admit a black student to the University of Maryland Law School.

1939: After the Daughters of the American Revolution barred acclaimed contralto Marian Anderson from performing at their Constitution Hall, the NAACP moved her concert to the Lincoln Memorial, where more than 75,000 people attended.

1941: During World War II, the NAACP took part in the effort to ensure that President Franklin Roosevelt would order a nondiscrimination policy in war-related industries and federal employment.

1950 to 1990

1954: After years of fighting segregation in public schools, under the leadership of special counsel Thurgood Marshall, the NAACP won Brown v. Board of Education. The historic U.S. Supreme Court decision barred school segregation.

1955: NAACP member and volunteer Rosa Parks is arrested and fined for refusing to give up her seat on a segregated bus in Montgomery, Alabama. This action became a catalyst for the largest grassroots civil rights movement in the U.S. It was spearheaded through the collective efforts of the NAACP, Southern Christian Leadership Conference, and other black organizations.

1957: LDF spun off as a separate organization.

1960: In Greensboro, North Carolina, members of the NAACP Youth Council started a series of nonviolent sit-ins at segregated lunch counters. These protests eventually led to more than 60 stores officially desegregating their counters.

1963: After one of his many successful mass rallies for civil rights, the NAACP's first field director in Mississippi, Medgar Evers, is assassinated in front of his home in Jackson, Mississippi.

1963: The NAACP pushed for passage of the Equal Employment Opportunity Act.

1964: The U.S. Supreme Court ended the eight-year effort of Alabama officials to ban NAACP activities.

1965: Amidst threats of violence and efforts of state and local governments, the NAACP registered more than 80,000 voters in the South.

1979: The NAACP initiates the first bill ever signed by a governor that allows voter registration in high schools. Soon after, twenty-four states followed suit.

1981: The NAACP led the effort to extend the Voting Rights Act for another twenty-five years. To cultivate economic empowerment, the NAACP established the Fair Share Program with major corporations across the country.

1982: NAACP registered more than 850,000 voters, and through its protests and the support of the Supreme Court, it prevented President Ronald Reagan from giving a tax break to the racially segregated Bob Jones University.

1985: The NAACP led a major anti-apartheid rally in New York City.

1989: the NAACP held a silent march of more than 100,000 people to protest U.S. Supreme Court decisions that have reversed many of the gains made against discrimination.

1990 and on

1991: When avowed Ku Klux Klan leader David Duke ran for the United States Senate in Louisiana, the NAACP started a voter registration campaign that yielded a 76 percent turnout of black voters to defeat Duke.

1995: Myrlie Evers-Williams, the widow of Medgar Evers, was elected to lead the NAACP's board of directors.

1996: Kweisi Mfume left the United States House of Representatives to become the president of the NAACP.

1996: Responding to anti-affirmative action legislation occurring around the country, the NAACP started the Economic Reciprocity Program. Also, in response to increased violence among youth, the NAACP started the "Stop The Violence, Start the Love" campaign.

2000: Accomplishments include television diversity agreements and the largest black voter turnout in 20 years.

2000: On January 17, in Columbia, South Carolina, more than 50,000 people attended a march to protest the flying of the Confederate battle flag. It was the largest civil rights demonstration ever held in the South to date.


Black History: The Niagara Movement

I am one who is critical of most of the black so-called civil rights organizations. Mainly because they are funded by white people and dare, I say if you “follow the money you will get the answer” “he who has the gold makes the rules.” In the case of the NAAP, the fact of the matter is that it was formed by ‘White’ people for the purpose of advancing the economic interests of Jewish people in the United States.

In the beginning, Ida B. Wells was one of the original members, but when she began advocating for ‘Black’ people’s interests, they removed her from the organization. The only other black member was DuBois, who stayed for a short time, but eventually left. In more than one hundred years nothing much has changed. They still put a black face out there that can do nothing but grin!

The association’s charter delineated its mission:

To promote equality of rights and to eradicate caste or race prejudice among the citizens of the United States to advance the interest of colored citizens to secure for them impartial suffrage and to increase their opportunities for securing justice in the courts, education for the children, employment according to their ability and complete equality before law.

In 1905, a group of thirty-two prominent African American leaders met to discuss the challenges facing people of color and possible strategies and solutions. They were expressly concerned by the disenfranchisement of Negro’s in the Southern states, particularly because of Mississippi’s passage of a new constitution in 1890. Also, in the early 1900s legislatures dominated by white Democrats ratified new constitutions and laws creating barriers to voter registration and more complex election rules. Black voter registration and turnout dropped markedly in the South as a result.

Because hotels in the U.S. were segregated, the men convened in Canada at the Erie Beach Hotel on the Canadian side of the Niagara River in Fort Erie, Ontario. As a result, the group came to be known as the Niagara Movement. A year later, three whites joined the group: journalist William E. Walling, social worker Mary White Ovington, and social worker Henry Moskowitz. They met in 1906 at Harper Ferry, West Virginia, and in 1907 in Boston Massachusetts.

The fledgling group struggled for a time with limited resources and internal conflict and disbanded in 1910. Seven of the members of the Niagara Movement joined the Board of Directors of the NAACP, founded in 1909. Although both organizations shared membership and overlapped for a time, the Niagara Movement was a separate organization. Historically it is considered to have had a more radical platform than the NAACP. The Niagara Movement was formed exclusively by African Americans.

This conference resulted in a more influential and diverse organization, where the leadership was predominantly white, and most of whom were Jewish American. In fact, at its founding, the NAACP had only one African American on its executive board – Du Bois. It did not elect a black president until 1975, although executive directors had been African American. The Jewish community contributed greatly to the NAACP’s founding and continued financing. Jewish historian Howard Sachar writes in his book A History of Jews in America “In 1914, Professor Emeritus Joel Spingarn of Columbia University became chairman of the NAACP and recruited for its board the early Jewish-American co-founders and members.”

According to Pbs.org, over the years, Jews have also expressed empathy (capability to share and understand another’s emotion and feelings) with the plight of Blacks. In the early 20th century, Jewish newspapers drew parallels between the Black movement out of the South and the Jews’ escape from Egypt. Pointing out that both Blacks and Jews lived in ghettos, and calling anti-Black riots in the South “pogroms.” Stressing the similarities, rather than the differences, between the Jewish and Black experience in America. Jewish leaders emphasized the idea that both groups would benefit the more America moved toward a society of merit, free of religious, ethnic and racial restrictions.”

Pbs.org further states, “The American Jewish Committee, the American Jewish Congress, and the Anti-Defamation League were central to the campaign against racial prejudice. Jews made substantial financial contributions to many civil rights organizations. About 50 percent of the civil rights attorneys in the South during the 1960s were Jews, as were over 50 percent of the Whites who went to Mississippi in 1964 to challenge Jim Crow Laws.

As a member of the Princeton chapter of the NAACP, Albert Einstein corresponded with Du Bois and in 1946 Einstein called racism “America’s worst disease.” Du Bois continued to play a pivotal role in the organization and served as editor of the association’s magazine, The Crisis, which had a circulation of over 30,000.

Moorfield Storey, who was white, was the president of the NAACP from its founding to 1915. Storey consistently and aggressively championed civil rights not only for blacks but also for Native Americans and immigrants. The board of directors of the NAACP created the Legal Defense Fund in 1939 specifically for tax purposes. It functioned as the NAACP legal department.

Intimidated by the Department of the Treasury and the Internal Revenue Service, the Legal and Educational Defense Fund, Inc., became a separate legal entity in 1957. Although, it was clear that it was to operate in accordance with NAACP policy. After 1961, serious disputes emerged between the two organizations creating considerable confusion in the eyes and minds of the public.

I am for anyone or group with the intention to benefit the dire state of the African American. However, during my research for this piece I only found a few significant achievements over its more than one hundred year history. It appears that this group is funded by whites, and it is they who guide policy in a way to silently suppress the “Negro” then and now. Think about it, if this organization was fighting for black people like the narrative implies – they would have been wiped out like all of the other groups fighting for the freedom of black people! And that’s my thought provoking perspective…


The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People and the Long Struggle for Civil Rights in the United States

In 2009 the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People celebrated its 100th anniversary. In the article below historian Susan Bragg provides a brief introduction to the history of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), the oldest continually active civil rights organization in the United States.

Founded in 1909, the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) has provided critical institutional support and leadership in the fight against racial inequalities in America. Although sometimes criticized as too moderate or bureaucratic in nature, the NAACP’s repeated legal campaigns eventually overturned the infamous 1896 Supreme Court ruling sanctioning segregation (Plessy v. Ferguson) and is still a significant political organization to this day.

A violent mob attack on black residents of Springfield, Illinois in 1908 galvanized a handful of progressive white social activists to reach out to African American leaders. Socialist William English Walling, settlement house worker Mary White Ovington, Jewish social worker Henry Moskowitz, and Oswald Garrison Villard, editor of The Nation, circulated “The Call” to protest the rise of racial violence and discrimination around the nation. They were joined in this venture by black sociologist W. E. B. Du Bois. Long a critic of the “social uplift” agenda advocated by black educator Booker T. Washington, Du Bois saw the NAACP as both an opportunity to re-invigorate demands for full black civil rights and an important reminder of the national dimensions of Jim Crow. After a series of meetings held in 1909 and 1910, the NAACP emerged as an organization dedicated to protesting racial inequality in American public life.

Over the course of the 20th century, the NAACP explicitly promoted itself as a model of interracial exchange, while also implicitly encouraging activism by both men and women. Initially, formal national leadership positions in the NAACP were largely held by white progressives based in New York City but W. E. B. Du Bois served as editor of the organization’s main source of publicity, The Crisis. This important journal circulated news of civil rights activism and promoted black art, writing, and poetry with the vision of challenging mainstream stereotypes of African Americans.

African Americans made up the majority of participants of the many local NAACP chapters that spread slowly throughout the nation and by the era of World War I, a new cadre of black male leaders such as James Weldon Johnson and Walter White emerged as national leaders of the organization. At the same time, the organization regularly relied upon black women’s participation, particularly at the branch level. While prominent anti-lynching activist Ida B. Wells-Barnett reported feeling dismissed by both black male leaders and white female progressives associated with the organization, many women associated with the National Association of Colored Women (NACW) supported the goals of the NAACP through fund raising activities and membership drives. By the 1930s, women like Juanita Jackson Mitchell and Ella Baker emerged as important staff workers in the national organization of the NAACP.

The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People challenged racial inequalities largely by publicity and targeted legal challenges, a program initially dictated by the fact that the majority of African Americans lived in the South where direct protest against Jim Crow was dangerous. Such tactics sometimes discouraged grass-roots activism by prioritizing the leadership role of the national staff, yet the NAACP proved successful in winning some important early battles such as overturning the “grandfather clause” (Guinn v. the United States, 1915) and residential segregation ordinances (Buchanan v. Warley, 1917).

The organization also served as an important voice against lynching throughout the 20th century, particularly by lobbying for anti-lynching bills in the 1920s and 1930s. Despite the failure of these legislative efforts, early court victories and increasing national publicity reinforced the NAACP’s commitment to forcing change through political pressure and legal campaigns. Most prominently, a series of NAACP-funded challenges to education inequalities eventually led to Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka (1954), the Supreme Court ruling overturning de jure segregation.

The NAACP’s emphasis on civil rights agendas supported its larger cultural vision of American pluralism, but over the years the organization has been repeatedly criticized as narrow or even elitist. While the Crisis emerged as a critical source of black creative expression during the Harlem Renaissance of the 1920s, Marcus Garvey’s United Negro Improvement Association (UNIA) gained more members because of its grass roots emphasis on black unity and community development. In the 1930s, the NAACP created influential relationships with northern Democrats through its anti-lynching efforts even as it struggled to assert a strong vision of economic justice. The organization finally built a mass movement during the years of World War II by pressing the “Double V campaign” to integrate the defense industries, partnering with the CIO and other labor unions, and extending branches into the South.

These developments, in combination with the NAACP’s continuing legal campaigns against segregation, provided critical support for the modern Civil Rights movement. At the same time, the NAACP has struggled to both defend itself against criticism from outside pressures and to translate legal victories into broader social change. Defenders of Jim Crow denounced the NAACP as a “radical” organization and sought to restrict its development in southern states. Yet, by the 1960s, the organization also found itself pressured by youth-led protests that rejected the mediating role of the NAACP in favor of direct activism and grass-roots interests. These tensions reflected the larger difficulty of defining the NAACP’s social justice agenda in the years after Brown v. Board.

While the NAACP continues to identify and protest various forms of racial inequality in America, finding resolutions to de facto forms of racial discrimination have proven an ongoing challenge. Ultimately, the NAACP remains a powerful watchdog organization, promoting African American opportunity as a gauge of American democratic health.


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Jewish Americans have flourished in America, enjoying immense freedom and opportunities. But like other minorities, Jewish Americans have also faced prejudice, especially during periods of economic hardship or war. During World War I and the Great Depression, Jews were often targeted as scapegoats.

The lynching of Leo Frank, a prominent Jewish businessman in Atlanta, alarmed Jewish Americans in 1915. He was falsely accused and convicted of killing a worker, Mary Phagan, in the pencil factory that he managed. After Georgia Governor John M. Slaton stayed Frank's execution because of a lack of evidence, a mob dragged him from the jail and lynched him. Though an isolated tragedy, it caused a ripple effect of fear. Decades later, in 1986, Frank was granted a posthumous pardon while evidence now points to the guilt of Jim Conley, a janitor in the factory who falsely accused Frank of the murder during the trial.

The Leo Frank incident also led to a resurgence of the Ku Klux Klan (KKK). By the mid-1920s, the KKK claimed to have four million members, more than all the Jews in the United States. In the midst of this turmoil and despite protestations at the time, President Woodrow Wilson nominated Louis D. Brandeis to the Supreme Court in 1916. As the first Jew to serve on the Court, Justice Brandeis had to endure bitter taunts, particularly from fellow justice James C. McReynolds. In the 1920s, Henry Ford, who revolutionized mass production in American industry, relentlessly blamed Jewish Americans for many of the nation's ills in his newspaper, The Dearborn Independent. It was only after World War II that barriers to Jewish Americans began to dissipate in America.

THE JEWISH AMERICANS is a production of JTN Productions WETA Washington, D.C. and David Grubin Productions, Inc.
in association with Thirteen/WNET New York.

Funders for THE JEWISH AMERICANS include The National Endowment for the Humanities Corporation for Public Broadcasting Public Broadcasting Service Nash Family Foundation The Arthur Vining Davis Foundations The Paul & Irma Milstein Foundation The Skirball Foundation The Chais Family Foundation Harry & Belle Krupnick Endowment Fund of the Los Angeles Jewish Community Foundation The Cukier, Goldstein-Goren Foundation Ann B. Friedman The Jesselson Family The Annenberg Foundation Blumenthal Fund Nancy and Morris W. Offit Ruth Ziegler Barbara Zuckerberg.


National Association for the Advancement of Colored People in Alabama (NAACP)

NAACP March in Athens, 2007 Beginning in 1913, the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) was the leading advocate for black constitutional rights in Alabama during the first half of the twentieth century. Other advocacy organizations existed, such as civic and voters' leagues, but Alabama's NAACP branches provided the most consistent and vocal challenge to African Americans' second-class status in society before the modern civil rights movement. White supremacists viewed the NAACP as a threat to the status quo and used intimidation, violence, and the law to eliminate the various branches in the state. Finally, in 1956, the state outlawed the organization outright, which led to a loss of influence. Alabama NAACP branches also faced internal threats to their survival through ineffective leadership and factionalism. Faced with threats of white reprisal, loss of will on the part of some branch officials and members, and competition from the Communist Party, the Alabama NAACP's crusade for racial equality was still able to generate the opposition to disenfranchisement and Jim Crow laws that would later define the 1950s and 1960s. NAACP Leaders in Washington, D.C. The 1940s represented the height of NAACP organizing in Alabama. By the mid-1940s, Alabama boasted 35 branches with nearly 15,000 members. In part, this growth was prompted by a number of successful court cases filed by the national office to challenge discrimination in housing, public spaces, and education, among others. But the phenomenal expansion was primarily a result of black Alabamians' growing outrage with racial biases, heightened by entry into World War II. Racist policies within the military and wartime industries fueled resentment and fostered a spirit of protest. The result was an explosion in NAACP activism in the state and throughout the South. Rosa Parks and Johnnie Carr, 1985 Membership was largely male in the early years of organizing, but African American middle-class women began to join branches in unprecedented numbers beginning in the late 1930s and held important positions in some branches. For instance, women comprised more than 55 percent of the Montgomery branch's total membership during the early 1940s. They composed 20 percent of the branch's Executive Committee and chaired the Veterans' Affairs Committee. Several woman held the post of secretary of the Montgomery NAACP—an extremely important position given this officer's role as liaison with the New York headquarters. Two of the best-known secretaries of the Montgomery branch were Johnnie Carr and Rosa Parks, who both participated in the Montgomery Bus Boycott and came to symbolize the role of black women in the fight for full rights. Activist and cook Georgia Gilmore organized the "Club from Nowhere," a group of women who cooked and sold food to raise money for the boycott and also accepted anonymous donations, and she also fed boycotters and movement leaders in her Montgomery home. John LeFlore Even the well-run branches faced immense challenges in carrying out the NAACP's goals. The national organization had been founded in 1909 to secure blacks' complete citizenship rights, chiefly through legal efforts, lobbying, and the media. But confronting white supremacy in Alabama, using these and other methods, could result in intimidation on the job, firings, physical harm, and sometimes death. W. E. Morton, secretary of the Mobile branch, was nearly killed by a white mob in 1921 as he conducted NAACP business in nearby Camden. John LeFlore, Mobile branch secretary from 1926 to 1956, endured continual harassment from his white post office supervisors because of his NAACP activities. In the 1930s, police arrested Earnest Taggart as he posted flyers announcing the Birmingham branch's anti-lynching crusade and issued bogus traffic citations to NAACP members during the branch's campaign against police violence. In the 1940s, Birmingham law enforcement officers snatched NAACP buttons from the clothing of local branch members amid the organization's ongoing effort to end police brutality. Autherine Lucy, 1956 Alabama branches used legal means to overturn racial zoning and racially discriminating public teacher' salaries, and they hired lawyers to represent African Americans charged with crimes against whites, such as rape or murder, and used the courts to prosecute whites accused of crimes against African Americans. By the time the Montgomery Bus Boycott began in December 1955, Alabama NAACP activism had created a climate of organized, determined racial protest. The activities executed by the state's branches had achieved enhanced employment opportunities, legal measures calling for more equitable teacher salaries, court decrees outlawing discrimination in voting and racial zoning, and improved interstate railroad accommodations. In Mobile, the branch's protest against the unfair treatment of blacks on municipal buses led the city to implement a "first-come, first served" seating arrangement in 1942. In 1956, NAACP agitation also forced the University of Alabama to admit, if only for a few days, Autherine Lucy. Most importantly, the branches' energetic efforts saved blacks from unjust prison terms as well as from death sentences imposed on the basis of race. Also in 1956, the national office provided legal assistance to Montgomery blacks in the Browder v. Gayle case, which declared Jim Crow bus service unconstitutional.

The NAACP never regained its original prominence in the state. But NAACP branches had, over the years, created the groundswell that would place Alabama at the center of the modern struggle for social justice. Currently, the Alabama NAACP has approximately 35 branches that focus their efforts on disaster relief and continuing instances of racial prejudice, such as job discrimination. The state president is Edward Vaughn, former Michigan State Representative and Alabama native the state NAACP headquarters is in Dothan. Branch offices are located in Eufaula, Barbour County Clanton, Chilton County and Mobile, Mobile County.

Autrey, Dorothy A. "The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People in Alabama, 1913–1952." Ph. D diss., University of Notre Dame, 1985.


Orange County

Orange County, county in California, U.S. In 2005 there were some 3 million people living in Orange County, with the Jewish population estimated at 60,000�,000. 2009 estimates put the Jewish population between 80,000 and 100,000.

Orange County Jewish communities include Orange, Anaheim, Santa Ana, Irvine, Yorba Linda, Garden Grove, Laguna Beach, Laguna Hills, Huntington Beach, Tustin, Fountain Valley, Newport Beach, Westminster, Fullerton, Mission Viejo, and Costa Mesa. Most Jews live in Irvine, Newport Beach, Mission Viejo, and Aliso Viejo.

Southern California or California Southland Jewry is an interrelated community in Santa Barbara, Ventura, Los Angeles, Orange, Riverside, San Bernardino, Imperial, and San Diego counties. In climate, water supply, politics, agriculture and industry it differs from the rest of California. Rivalry has long existed between the northern and southern areas of California. While Orange County and neighboring Los Angeles border each other geographically and share some similarities, the two communities are quite distinct.

The primary motivation for settlement in Southern California was not a search for religious freedom but economic opportunity. Many Jews who came to the Southland in the early days had first gone to San Francisco, from which place Jews quickly dispersed throughout the entire American and Canadian West. The Gold Rush brought Jews to Southern California more for trade and agriculture than for mining. The area was known in biblical language as the place of ⋊ttle on a thousand hills."

Orange County Jewry began in 1858, with the arrival of Bavarian immigrant Benjamin Dreyfus to the town of Anaheim. In the early period the best known Jewish citizen of Orange County was Dreyfus, who was a vintner, general agriculturalist, and mayor of Anaheim in 1881 and 1882. Most of Orange County's first Jews were German, including Louis Wartenberg, Morris Goodman, the Reinhaus family, Jacob and Herman Stern, and Joseph Goodman.

Santa Ana was platted in 1870, and in 1872 Jews were located there as merchants. Three Jews held the first High Holy Day services in Anaheim in 1874. In that year Jews were also found in the nearby mission town of San Juan Capistrano, the most notable being Max Mendelson. In 1876 the first Jew reached Tustin. The community of Anaheim was quiet in 1880 when Jewish stores were closed for Yom Kippur, the local press reported.

French Jews were perhaps 10% of all the Jews who arrived during the Gold Rush decades. They came from Alsace, Marseilles, and Paris. Among them were Algerian Jews such as Hippolyte Cahen in Anaheim in 1878.

In the beginning of the 20 th century Sephardi Jews from the island of Rhodes immigrated to Southern California. Other Sephardim arrived during the 1910s and 1920s. Most of the newcomers did not speak English, but the Ladino they spoke was close to the Mexican Spanish of California. Sephardi Jews generally moved first to Seattle, Washington, then later on to California.

Santa Ana and Tustin Jewry - 25 families in all - began establishing a congregation in 1919, to meet the needs of their children for Jewish education.

From the 1930s onward there has been a massive influx of population to Southern California, and Orange County has benefited from the post-World War II development of the region as well as the movement of major corporations and hi-tech industries to Southern California. Jewish life was stimulated by a large influx of British, Canadian, Israeli, Latin American, North African, Russian, South African, and Iranian Jews, who established their own organizations as well as integrating into the older communities. A large number of Hungarian Jews reached the Southland after the Soviets crushed the movement to liberalization in that country in 1956. Iranian Jews have sent their children to all-day schools and have a higher rate of synagogue affiliation than the average. Russian and Israeli non-Orthodox immigrants tend to be High Holiday Jews.

The Merage Jewish Community Center, one of the largest in the United States, with its impressive community campus in Irvine, is an important presence in the community. It is home to Jewish Federation Orange County, the Bureau of Jewish Education, Jewish Family Service, B'nai B'rith Youth Organization, the Community Foundation, Taglit, the Orange County Jewish Historical Society, and Camp Yofi.

Synagogue life is local and Jews are spread throughout the county, but communal life is concentrated in the areas of greatest populations.

There are 38 synagogues in Orange County of every denomination. There are Conservative congregations in several cities: Congregation B'nai Israel in Tustin, Congregation Eilat in Mission Viejo, Surf City Synagogue of Huntington Beach, Temple Beth Emet of Anaheim, Temple Isaiah of Newport Beach. Reform congregations are also found throughout the county: Congregation B'nai Tzedek in Fountain Valley, Congregation Shir Ha Maɺlot in Irvine, Reform Temple of Laguna Woods, Temple Bat Yahm in Newport Beach, Temple Beth David in Westminster, Temple Beth El of South Orange County in Aliso Viejo, Temple Beth Ohr in La Mirada, Temple Beth Sholom in Santa Ana (Orange County's first synagogue), Temple Beth Tikvah in Fullerton. There are Orthodox Congregations: Beth Jacob Congregation of Irvine, Beth Torah Synagogue of Laguna Woods, Young Israel of Orange County in Irvine. There is also a non-denominational congregation: Temple Judea of Laguna Woods.

Chabad has established a presence in Aliso Viejo, Cypress/Los Alamitos, Huntington Beach, Irvine, North Irvine, Laguna Beach, Laguna Niguel, Mission Viejo, Newport Beach, San Clemente, Rancho Santa Margarita, Tustin, and Yorba Linda.

The Sephardi community has two congregations: Ohr Yisrael Sephardic Congregation of Orange County in Irvine, Beth Jacob Sephardic Minyan, also in Irvine.

Rabbi Arnold Rachlis, a former White House Fellow and a leading voice in the Reconstructionist movement, is the rabbi of University Synagogue in Irvine, the sole Reconstructionist congregation and one of the largest synagogues in Orange County.

Humanistic Judaism is represented by the Pacific Community of Secular Humanistic Jews and the Orange County Society for Humanistic Judaism.

There are two day schools in the community: Tarbut V'Torah Community Day School in Irvine and the Hebrew Academy in Huntington Beach.

Among the national organizations that have established offices in Orange County are the American Jewish Committee (AJC) and the Anti-Defamation League (ADL), which have a large presence. Hadassah, Hillel, the Israeli Scouts and B'nai B'rith Youth Organization are also present.

Hillel serves all the campuses in Orange County, including UC Irvine, Chapman University, Cal State Fullerton, and the surrounding colleges. Chapman University has a strong Holocaust education program that not only serves the campus but the community at large and sponsors annual activities in the schools, including a writing contest and teacher training. It recently established a Holocaust Center, which includes a small display of Holocaust artifacts, in its new library, sponsored by the Samueli Family and local philanthropists.

Heritage Pointe and Bubbe & Zayde's Place provides care for the elderly.

Although Jews are an accepted part of Orange County life, the county used to have the reputation of being the center of significant antisemitism. In the late 1970s, The Institute for Historical Review, a Holocaust denial organization, once posted a $50,000 reward for anyone who could prove that the Holocaust happened. Much to their chagrin, Auschwitz survivor and Newport Beach resident Mel Mermelstein took up the challenge and prevailed in court. Mermelstein went against the common advice of the Jewish professional community to quarantine the hate groups and not to engage in discourse. The case drew national attention and was the subject of a television movie. Several mayors have been Jewish two in Irvine and others in Orange County.

Sources: Encyclopaedia Judaica. © 2008 The Gale Group. All Rights Reserved.

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