Will Settle, was the son of Miles Settle, a director of Bolton Wanderers. In 1899 Settle replaced his father on the board of the club.
In January 1910, with Bolton firmly entrenched at the bottom of the First Division, John Somerville was sacked and replaced by Settle. He was unable to save the club from relegation but he steered Bolton to promotion at the first attempt. Settle also recruited a group of talented players including Ted Vizard, Joe Smith and Jimmy Seddon.
In 1911-12 Bolton finished fourth in the First Division and in the 1914-15 they reached the semi-final of the FA Cup. However, they were beaten 2-1 by Sheffield United. At the end of the season professional football in Britain came to an end because of the First World War.
In 1915 Will Settle left the club to be replaced by Tom Mather. According to Dean Hayes, the author of Bolton Wanderers (1999): "After finding certain responsibilities had been taken away from him, he left the club under something of a cloud after 17 years' service."
Happy Pride! Here’s a short history of Seattle’s big LGBTQ+ celebration
Seattle celebrated our very first Pride Week in 1974 — five years after trans and gay rights activists Marsha P. Johnson and Sylvia Rivera, among others, led the Stonewall riots in New York City and helped spark the fight for LGBTQ+ equality. Although Seattle’s first Pride celebration was small, it was early, happening four years after inaugural Pride marches in Chicago, New York, Los Angeles, and San Francisco.
Our city’s Pride March has come a long way, from a small group of pioneers to a massive parade that draws in thousands of people. And though there’s plenty of work left to do, our city’s made some serious progress in the last half-century.
FIRST PRIDE WEEK – 1974
Seattle gay rights activist David Neth takes the lead organizing Seattle’s first Pride Week. The week ends at Seattle Center where “fewer than 50 happy gay individuals—including a bare-chested Neth, draped in pearls, wearing cutoffs and a white floppy hat–danced with frenzied joy around the International Fountain,” Seattle Weekly reports.
FIRST OFFICIAL PRIDE WEEK – 1977
Mayor Wes Uhlman declares the first city-sanctioned Gay Pride Week, which culminates in Seattle’s first official Pride March. This is just one year before Seattle voters defeat a bill that would’ve stripped LGBTQ+ people of equal housing and employment rights.
THE FIRST TRANS PRIDE — 1997
Trans activists Spencer Bergstedt and Jason Cromwell gather locals together outside Seattle Central Community College for a rally “in support of those crossing, having crossed, or challenging gender and biological borders.” Local advocacy group Gender Justice League writes that Seattle’s Trans Pride was the first in the nation. This iteration of Trans Pride ended in 2000.
Reflecting on the s rallies, Spencer told The Evergrey that it was an important opportunity “ to come together and create visibility within the broader LGBTQ community.”
LET IT FLY – 2010
The Space Needle flies the rainbow Pride flag for the first time ever.
TRANS PRIDE IS BACK – 2013
Gender Justice League restarts Seattle’s Trans Pride Parade in Capitol Hill. Hundreds of locals rallied at Seattle Central Community College, the site of the first Trans Pride, and marched around Cal Anderson Park in support of our transgender, intersex, and non-binary neighbors. This year’s celebration is also the first Pride to be held since Washington State legalized gay marriage in 2012.
AN EXTRA SPECIAL PRIDE – 2015
It’s the first Pride since the U.S. Supreme Court legalized gay marriage across the country.
AND HERE WE ARE
This year’s Seattle Pride Parade kicks off at 11 a.m. on Sunday at Fourth Avenue & Union Street and will travel to the PrideFest rally and party in Seattle Center. This year’s theme is Pride Beyond Borders, which Seattle Pride President Kevin Toovey says is “a reminder that we can celebrate all the successes and strides of our history, but there is work to be done to keep our communities free, happy, and safe.”
Learn more about Seattle’s LGBTQ+ history here, here, and here. Want to join in on the Pride festivities? Check out The Stranger’s massive roundup of Pride events. And if you’re planning to celebrate, be sure to tag #theevergrey on Instagram.
For more information about the upcoming Spring 2021 History courses please see the 21FQ HIST Course Buletin
HIST 3220-01/WGST 3910-02 Gender & Power in Early Modern Europe
Power cannot be measured in terms of horsepower or speed or even potential. It takes a variety of forms&mdashpolitical, economic, sexual, personal, just to name a few of the shapes&mdashand it is most easily seen in external forms that signify its application: rituals (kowtowing, bowing), symbols (swords, crowns, headdresses), textual formulations (sir, madam, your honor), ceremonies (coronations, inaugurations), and possessions (houses, cars, art, clothing, jewelry).
HIST 3500-01 History of US Foreign Policy
This course is designed as a survey of how the United States has conducted American diplomacy from colonial times to the present. Equally important, it will also be a history of how other nation states have conducted diplomacy with the United States. The third element of the course will be consideration of how the domestic politics within the United States have influenced the conduct of its foreign policy.
HIST 3770-01 Honors: Directed Reading/HIST 3910-01 Culture & Power in a Global US
This course will approach the history of folk, counter, and pop cultures in the United States as disputed borderlands, political flashpoints where the idea of America has been debated, challenged, and ultimately reinvented. Our topics will range widely from exploring the creation of convict culture in post-Civil War prisons as expressions of inmate resistance to the emergence of the Flapper as a new cultural icon of 1920&rsquos feminism and consumerism, to efforts by activists today to tear down public monuments to Confederate soldiers in an effort to refashion US public culture into a more inclusive space.
UCOR 1400-01 Human Rights in Latin America
This Module I core seminar will focus on one of the major problems afflicting the modern world &ndash the widespread violation of human rights &ndash in the context of Latin America. What are human rights? What are the dimensions of human rights abuses in Latin America? What are the various factors behind the observance and nonobservance of human rights in the region? Who are the different actors involved in denying and defending human rights in Latin America?
UCOR 1400-02/03/04 Great War as Global Conflict
This course examines the global dimensions and impact of the First World War, from the perspectives of Asians and Africans as well as Europeans, civilians as well as soldiers, women as well as men, and home fronts as well as military fronts. In addition to the well-known stories of military strategy and the technology of warfare, it offers new perspectives on the interaction of diverse peoples and cultures in the early twentieth century.
UCOR 3400-01 Empire and Afro- Utopia
This course focuses on empire and Afro-utopian narratives of freedom and development in the Black Diaspora. We will study how institutions and legacies of the modern Atlantic slave trade and colonialism have been challenged, over the centuries, by counter-narratives from African indigenous, premodern, and modern perspectives inspiring utopian visions of an alternative and better future.
UCOR 3600-02 Crime and Punishment: Modern Age
This UCOR 3600 examines social science and global challenges through the lens of punishment in modern society. This is the UCOR&rsquos upper-level social science course for majors who are not in the social sciences.
If you've had financial troubles in the past, but now you're working to improve your credit, you're on the right track. A good first step is to bring any past due accounts current. More tips for building and maintaining good credit scores include:
- Make all payments on time going forward. Your payment history&mdashwhether you make all payments on time&mdashis the most important factor in credit scores. If you are ever in a situation where you may not be able to make a payment on time, you should contact your lender to discuss your options before the account becomes delinquent.
- Reduce balances on revolving accounts. The second most important factor in credit scores is your utilization rate&mdashthe amount of credit you're using relative to your overall credit limit. If you tend to carry high balances on your credit cards, reducing that debt load will improve your utilization rate.
- Enroll in Experian Boost&trade &dagger . With Experian Boost, you can sign up to have your positive utility, internet, cable and phone bill payments added to your credit history, which can help your FICO ® Score ☉ . Once you enroll, you'll immediately see an impact.
- Focus on your risk factors. If you haven't already, request your credit score from Experian and pay close attention to the risk factors provided with your score. These factors tell you what you need to do to improve your credit scores.
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This question came from a recent Periscope session we hosted.
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How long does it take to improve your credit score after debt settlement?
The amount of time it takes for your credit to start improving will largely depend on your credit history. If those settled debts are somewhat of an anomaly for you — you’ve successfully paid off several debts in the past — that will help your credit rebound. That shows lenders you are capable of paying your debts on time. Having other debt you’re still paying and are current on, such as a mortgage, car loan or other credit accounts will help, too. People with a fairly robust and positive credit history might be able to start improving their credit score in six months or possibly as little as half that time.
If your credit history is skimpier, it could take much longer. For example, if you don’t have a history of paying off debt and you aren’t currently making timely payments on a mortgage, a loan or other credit cards. And if the accounts you settled were ones you’ve had for a long time, it could hurt your score because the length of your credit history (including the age of your oldest account) makes up 15% of your credit score. If you have a poor and/or thin credit history, it could take 12 to 24 months from the time you settled your last debt for your credit score to recover.
Either way, you’ll benefit from debt settlement if that means you’re no longer missing payments. It will also improve your debt-to-income (DTI) ratio, the amount of monthly debt payments you have compared to your monthly gross income, and your credit utilization, which is how much credit you have available versus how much you’re using. Lenders look at your DTI in the loan approval process and your credit utilization makes up 30% of your credit score.
“With the current risk-averse lending environment, creditors are less likely to underwrite new loan products to someone who has a debt-to-income ratio out of line with their set parameters,” says Michael Bovee, debt expert and co-founder of Resolve. “This fact is affecting the ability of many people who want to get new credit – even those with a good credit score.”
Consider asking for “pay for delete”
As part of your debt settlement negotiation, you may be able to get the creditor or debt collector to agree to report your account as paid in full or have them request to have it deleted from your report. You can suggest this in exchange for paying some of your debt or upping the amount you’re offering to pay. This is not all that likely to work with credit card banks and other lenders, but can be effective with medical and utility collections, and is also now part of the credit reporting policies at three of the largest debt buyers in the nation: Midland Credit Management (MCM), Portfolio Recovery Associates (PRA) and Cavalry Portfolio. You can learn more about each of these companies’ pay for delete policies here.
The Capitol Hill neighborhood of Seattle is part of a long ridge that overlooks the downtown. In 1872, the pioneers cleared a wagon road through the forest to a cemetery at its peak (later named Lake View Cemetery). It was logged off in the 1880s. James Moore (1861-1929), Capitol Hill's chief developer, gave the hill its name in 1901. Before that it was called Broadway Hill. Capitol Hill is a vibrant community, with a thriving business district along Broadway Avenue and along 15th and 19th avenues. It is home to Volunteer Park and the Seattle Asian Art Museum, St. Mark's Episcopal Cathedral as well as other churches, Seattle Central Community College, Cornish College for the Arts, Richard Hugo House (a center for writers), as well as many shops, restaurants, and coffeehouses. Capitol Hill is the site of Seattle’s annual celebration for Gay Pride week.
Beginning with the Water Tower .
For a view of Capitol Hill and a review of its history one may begin by climbing the 107 steps to the observation deck of the Volunteer Park water tower that since 1907 has stood at the summit of the 444-foot high hill. There to enjoy is a lavish exhibit not only of Volunteer Park history but also of the entire Olmsted Bros. legacy of parks and boulevards that the famous landscaping firm designed for Seattle in the early twentieth century.
An observation tower was one of the desiderata described in the firm’s first proposal, its 1903 plan. And there Volunteer Park is also described as the “jewel” of city parks. The tower, then, would be its crown jewel
We will climb the tower in 1912 when there was no leaf canopy and it was still possible to see the hill .
In 1912, Volunteer Park was 25 years old, but most of the development that could be seen from the tower was much younger than that. Looking west, we see the Volunteer Park High Reservoir (fenced and filled with Cedar River water in 1901). Looking northwest, we see the palatial English Arts and Crafts mansion of John and Eliza Leary on 10th Avenue E (eight years old in 1912). Directly north, the wagon road that was once the favorite route for funeral processions to reach Lakeview Cemetery directly through the park has been widened and paved (14th Avenue N) to the Olmsted’s instructions.
This year -- 1912 -- the park has been blocked at its north end with the construction of the glass Conservatory that the park department purchased from a catalogue and assembled on the site. To the northeast is a latticed pergola.
Looking east and south from the tower, the viewer sees the rooftops of hundreds of nearly mansion-sized homes crowd the curiously small lots of the several Capitol Hill additions -- including “Milllionaires' Row” on 14th Avenue N -- promoted by James Moore. That very few of these residences are more than 10 years old (in 1912) is testimony to the initiative of Moore, Seattle’s super-developer of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.
The 1912 view to the southwest toward downtown looks at the undeveloped four-block swath of the Furth Addition, located between Moore’s Capitol Hill Addition and the growing business strip on Broadway Avenue south of Roy Street. Directly west of the Furth Addition, in the blocks of the Sara Yesler Addition, are a scattering of homes -- many of them surviving mansions.
More Than 40 Additions
By 1912, there were more than 40 additions on the area we roughly call Capitol Hill, including Furth, Yesler, and Moore’s seven Capitol Hill tracts, and the several Pontius additions. Rezan and Margaret Pontius built their farm at the base of Capitol Hill in the future Cascade Neighborhood (on the southern, downtown end of Lake Union). They acquired much of the western slope of the hill and their additions from the 1880s are among the earliest on the hill.
In the 1960s, the Interstate Freeway (I-5) quickly defined the western border of Capitol Hill. Following Pontius logic, before I-5 was cut along their slope, these neighbors -- Capitol Hill and Cascade -- melded. In 1910, on Republican Street, a grand stairway was constructed between Eastlake Avenue at the bottom and a just east of Melrose Avenue at the top. Most of the Republican Street Hillclimb was removed for the freeway: the two neighborhoods were severed.
The Borders of Capitol Hill
Capitol Hill is part of a long ridge that runs north-south behind downtown and eventually splits into two ridges. Running south, the western ridge of Capitol Hill, closest to downtown, continues as First Hill (previously or variously called Pill Hill, Profanity Hill, and Yesler Hill), and continues still farther south as Beacon Hill, and on to Renton. The eastern ridge of Capitol Hill reaches Madison Street where the name changes to Renton Hill or Second Hill. This ridge eventually peters out in Rainier Valley.
Because the eastern border of Capitol Hill has nothing like a freeway to define it, we generally accept a blending of the hill into Madison Valley and the Central Area. At the north end we may embrace for a border the freeway (520) linking I-5 with the Evergreen Point (Albert Rosellini) Floating Bridge. The area north of this freeway (520) is the Denny-Fuhrman Addition. The early Denny–Fuhrman Addition (where the Seward Elementary School is located) looks both to the University District across Portage Bay and to the Eastlake neighborhood along Lake Union more often than back at Capitol Hill.
Reasonable persons may draw the southern border of the hill along different lines. Jacqueline Williams, in her The Hill With A Future: Seattle’s Capitol Hill, 1900-1946 chooses Pine Street. For the Capitol Hill Chamber of Commerce, the southern border reaches well into First Hill where many chamber members have their businesses.
I choose Pike Street for two reasons, both topographic. First, the longer ridge described above rises south of Pike Street enough to be called by another name: First Hill. The second reason is functional as well. From downtown, approaching Capitol Hill via Union Street was not practical, since by 8th Avenue, Union is too steep. Only one block north of Union, Pike Street was the first street in the central business district that could be easily improved to reach Capitol Hill. By 1912, three trolley lines climbed the gentler grade along a Pike Street that along with Broadway was then becoming Seattle’s “Auto Row,” lined with motorcar showrooms, parts stores, and service stations.
Naming Capitol Hill
Capitol Hill got its name in the fall of 1901. Before this it was called Broadway Hill. Most descriptions of how the hill got its name turn on one of two stories. By one description – the sentimental one -- James Moore chose the moniker "Capitol Hill" for the quarter section of land he purchased in 1900 primarily because his wife came from another Western city that had its own Capitol Hill: Denver. By the second story, the name was picked in hopes of enticing the state to move its business from Olympia onto Prospect Street. Some sources say that an early version of this scheming began with “city founder” Arthur Denny in the 1860s.
This is probably wrong. Jacqueline Williams (The Hill with a Future) provides evidence from early newspapers that James Moore named “Capitol Hill,” and that he chose the name probably for reasons of both his wife and politics -- or more precisely, promotions.
In the spring of 1901, less than a year after he purchased and began improving the Capitol Hill Addition just south of Volunteer Park, Moore persuaded William H. Lewis, a King County politician then serving in the Washington State House of Representatives, to introduce a bill offering both a site for the capital campus on Capitol Hill and funds to build a Capitol Building. This was not a very serious proposal. It did, however, for a brief while allow locals to imagine the reach of Moore’s ambition and to envision his elevated real estate surmounted by the state capitol. After all, there remained then the old problem in Olympia that while it had the seat of state government it did not have the pants that is a capitol building worthy of the state.
One Day's Profit
Williams has tracked the pedigree for the first parcel of land that James Moore called “Capitol Hill” and it typifies real estate exchanges in the Old West. Moore purchased his 160 acres from Hugh C. Wallace on July 10, 1900, for $225,000. Wallace had neither lived on the land nor worked it, and in fact may never have seen it. Rather, Wallace bought it for $35,000 less than he sold it to Moore for later that same day.
The Tacoman Wallace purchased the land from the Selim Woodworth estate. Woodworth received the land from the government as partial payment for fighting in the 1847 war with Mexico. For certain, Woodworth had never seen it.
Lake View Cemetery and Volunteer Park
Before the years of clear-cut logging on Capitol Hill in the 1880s, it was sometimes necessary to make it through the forest and to the summit with a wagon that often served as hearse. In 1872, the Masons of Seattle, Pioneer Doc Maynard (1808-1873) among them, chose a portion of what since 1890 has been called Lake View Cemetery as a burial ground for members. When Maynard died less than a year later, his fraternal fellows kept the body lying in state for more than a month while they built a branch road to the cemetery off the old wagon road that struck north from Madison Street on the present line of 23rd Avenue.
According to Robert L. Ferguson (The Pioneers of Lake View), the new road left the path of 23rd Avenue near Ward Street heading west to the future line of 14th Avenue. Turning north, it continued through a hog farm and soon reached the cemetery. Maynard was buried only a few feet from the highest point on Capitol Hill.
In 1876, the city bought 40 acres contiguous to the south of the Masonic Cemetery. In 1885, they called it Washelli and started moving bodies over from an old burial ground the city was converting into Denny Park. Two years later, while Leigh Hunt, the editor and publisher of the Seattle Post-Intelligencer, was trailblazing along the ridge, by his own description he “fell into a deep communion with nature and under the enchanted spell of her visible forms.” Under the influence of this reverie, Hunt next came across the few marked graves at Washelli. Perhaps dreaming of good copy, the editor claimed that a voice came to him demanding “Dispose of the dead elsewhere this ground is reserved for the enjoyment of the living.”
Promptly the city obeyed the influential publisher. The graves were moved next door to the Lake View Cemetery and the now unoccupied acres were held as a reserve for more “deep communion with nature.” The site was eventually named City Park and in 1901, Volunteer Park, to commemorate the patriotic gang of locals who volunteered to fight in the Spanish-American War of 1898-1899.
A little pruning and planting occurred in the early 1890s under the direction of Edward Otto Schwagerl, the well-thought-of landscape architect hired in 1892. However, the economic panic of 1893 put an end to this work. City Park nested for 10 years more until the Olmsted firm was hired in 1903 to devise a city-wide plan for parks and boulevards.
The hopes and statistics connected with establishing the first grade school is perhaps the best clue of a neighborhood’s early development. In 1890, the Lowell School opened on Mercer Street and Federal Avenue with the name Pontius School. By 1892, the name had changed to Columbia School and the school employed seven teachers to teach 261 pupils. In 1902, 12 teachers were teaching 469 scholars in eight grades. In 1910, to alleviate confusion with the Columbia School in the recently annexed Columbia City neighborhood of Seattle, the name was changed to the Lowell School, after the American poet, essayist, and diplomat James Russell Lowell (1819-1891).
In 1901, pure water arrived. Nearby, running under the center of 12th Avenue, a pipe was set to carry fresh water along the last mile of a 26 mile journey from the Cedar River to the new reservoir in the newly named Volunteer Park. Speedily the homes of Capitol Hill were drinking and washing in bountiful water sent directly from the Cascade Mountains.
A second arrival to Volunteer Park in 1901 that aided mightily the attractiveness of James Moore’s Capitol Hill Addition was the City Park trolley line. Within another eight years, Puget Sound Traction Light and Power Company would extend three more lines north into along the Capitol Hill Ridge. Like the City Park line, the Capitol Hill line approached the ridge along Pike Street to reach the last long leg of its route on 15th Avenue. The 19th Avenue line followed in 1907 the 23rd Avenue line in 1909, laid along the line of the old wagon road as far north as Portage Bay and the entrance to the summer-long Alaska-Yukon-Pacific Exposition on the University of Washington Campus.
A fourth trolley line, the Bellevue-Summit Line, was added in 1913 to serve the neighborhood on the hill that was both closest to town and increasingly built up with apartment houses. Along Broadway, 15th and 19th avenues the regularity of trolley service increased the economic and cultural vitality of the avenues. To this day a variety of neighborhood centers are strung along these three avenues.
The development of community services and public works including water, fire protection, sewerage, and trolleys was the passion of the many community, commercial, and improvement clubs that quickly came forward in neighborhoods that boomed as Capitol Hill did in the early twentieth century.
One curious exception to this “positive thinking” came from the homeowners who settled on James Moore’s primary show street, his “Millionaires' Row.” For many years previous to the developer’s improvements, 14th Avenue was the last leg of a wagon road that led to the Lake View Cemetery. At the southern entrance to the park with its own grand boulevard, 14th Avenue became for Moore and his buyers the most distinguished strip. The procession of mourners that continued to use 14th Avenue was perhaps tolerable to the row’s new nabobs, but not the trolley line proposed by a competitor to the Seattle Electric Company’s consolidated Capitol Hill lines.
An effective (and decorative) response to this threat is revealed in a letter to Moore written by long-time City Engineer R. H. Thomson (1856-1949). Thomson advises the developer to add a planting strip down the center of his show row where trolley tracks would ordinarily be laid. The strip was built, although in the end it was not necessary, for the competing trolley line was not awarded a franchise to enter the neighborhood.
Types of Residences
There is perhaps an ambivalence to all of James Moore’s Capitol Hill promotions. While he advertised them as the next retreat for the city’s more affluent citizens, the lots are generally small for the homes that were constructed on them. The effect, especially in the Stevens Neighborhood (named for the Isaac Stevens Primary School on 17th Avenue and Galer Street ) is a community that feels both grand and intimate. These playland qualities were enhanced by the large Catholic families that soon moved into these homes. They came certainly because the homes were big but also to be near Holy Names Academy (1907) at 22nd Avenue and Aloha Street, St. Joseph’s Church (1907) and School (1908) on 18th Avenue, and Forest Ridge School (1907) on Interlaken Boulevard. The Stevens neighborhood became in effect a concentrated Catholic neighborhood.
In his presentation to Historic Seattle’s Capitol Hill symposium in 2000, Leonard Garfield, director of the Museum of History and Industry (MOHAI), outlined a typology of Capitol Hill residences. Garfield noted that because the history of residential development on Capitol Hill occurred at such a rapid pace, housing types overlap in both time and place. Grand homes were not necessarily segregated from lesser ones -- or even from apartments. They were connected and yet disconnected. “People saw what they wanted to see.”
Modest homes were built on the ridge in the 1880s and 1890s. Very few if any of these structures survive. These simple homes were followed by a few oversized ones arranged like country estates. The English Tudor style John and Eliza Leary home at 1551 10th Avenue N, now home of the Episcopal Diocesan Offices, is a good and grand example. Close on the heels of these country retreats came the advance guard of working and professional households of a booming Seattle. These owners expected to raise families in the “streetcar suburbs” that were rapidly constructed to the sides of the business and transportation strips of Broadway, 15th, and 19th avenues. Many of these homes were built in the efficient but still attractive Classic Box style.
In between the Henrys and the homemakers are a hybrid class of mostly nouveau riche residents, who may have worked but did not necessarily have to. They often built grander homes than even the biggest boxes and also preferred to site them in their own limited zones. The residences on “Millionaire’s Row” may be included in this set -- at first they put up a gate straddling 14th Avenue at Roy Street. Many of the big houses west of Volunteer Park on Federal Avenue and beside the somewhat serpentine streets north of Aloha Street and west of Broadway fit this more upper-crusty character. A sizeable percentage of the homes of this type were built late -- after World War I.
Finally, Garfield distinguishes the apartment houses of Capitol Hill where family life was often provided for with large units and handsome structures distinguished with architectural ornaments and courtyards. Later, many of these larger apartments were multiplied into smaller units for single occupants.
Broadway is a thoroughly sensible street. It travels most of the length of both First and Capitol Hills and although rarely on the summit its grade is always easy. Indeed Broadway is the best evidence that First and Capitol Hill are one hill for when traveling along Broadway you will find the distinction between them subtle.
Broadway was the obvious path for the electric trolley that in 1891 first linked Capitol Hill to Beacon Hill through First Hill and what in the beginning was a long boulevard of stumps and dreams and at least one swale. (The swale centered at Republican Street where in the evening riders could hear frogs croaking. ) After Broadway was paved in 1903, it became the favorite flyway first for cyclists and soon after motorists -- a preferred promenade for flashy wheels.
Broadway High School
On or just off Broadway between Pike and Roy streets the busiest cultural and commercial life of Capitol Hill were developed. We begin at Pine Street with Broadway High School.
In 1902, Broadway High School opened (as Seattle High School) on the corner of Broadway and E Pine Street. It was Seattle's first building specifically constructed as a high school. The architects were William E. Boone and J. M. Corner. The building was controversial for its large size and location (then remote from downtown), but within a year was filled to capacity. The 1903 class had 103 graduates, the largest graduating class in the history of Seattle. Today a remnant of the building is incorporated into Seattle Central Community College's Broadway Performance Hall.
With no athletic field of its own, the students at Broadway High used the playfield developed just south of what was then still called the Lincoln Park Low Reservoir. Both the reservoir and park were one short block east of the school. Like the high reservoir at Volunteer Park, the low one was built in 1900 for the then new Cedar River gravity water supply. In their 1903 description of the park, the Olmsted Brothers recommended that there be "no provision for the more vigorous forms of play." Their plans for the park were "particularly designed to make baseball impractical." This prescription by the Boston-based landscapers was overturned in less than a month by neighbors, including high school students, in need of vigorous play -- especially baseball.
Churches and a Market
Among the Capitol Hill churches on Broadway we will note three -- first the First Christian Church. It faced Seattle High School across Broadway and opened in 1902, the same year as the high school. The church’s second and surviving sanctuary at the site was dedicated in 1923. (It and the nearby Westminster Presbyterian Church at Harvard Avenue and Howell Street also completed in 1923, were the two notable contributions to Seattle architecture by the Los Angeles architect Robert H. Orr.)
Six blocks north of First Christian Church, Pilgrim Congregation Church was organized in 1899 as a parish of Plymouth Congregational. The sanctuary was designed by architect Julian F. Everett, who later designed the Pioneer Square Pergola. The new church opened its doors to a wide front lawn in 1906. Twenty-four years later the lawn was considerably narrowed when Broadway Avenue was widened and straightened north of Harrison Street. The cuts were made on the east side of the street, the Pilgrim side. Many structures, the church not included, were moved back with the power and telephone poles. In 1949, Pilgrim church was diminished again, but this time by an act of God when the earthquake of that year toppled the top of its tower.
The gleaming, block-long Broadway Market opened in 1928. For 30 years this market served as a collection of independently owned small shops. At one time these included a creamery, a florist, two delis, a fish market, a drug store, a beauty salon, two meat markets, a health food store, two fruit stands, a candy shop, two bakeries, a ten-cent store, and Norm's Café, a favorite neighborhood hang-out.
In 1958 Norm and most of the others moved out and Safeway and Marketime moved in. The windows were stuccoed over and the charm of shopping given a green glow under fluorescent lights. More recently, the market has been enlarged and reopened as an arcade featuring again a variety of small businesses. The new and enlarged windows are open again.
St. Mark's Episcopal Cathedral
North of Roy Street, on the border between one of the several Pontius additions to the south and both the Sara Yesler and Jacob Furth Additions to the north, the arterial turns slightly east to become 10th Avenue N. To four long blocks north of Roy Street the St. Marks Episcopal congregation moved from its First Hill parish into what its second bishop, Stephen Fielding Bayne Jr., later called "This Holy Box." Dedicated in 1931, the concrete church was but the skeleton of the congregation's dream cathedral.
Ten years later the bad debts of the Great Depression with the help of an unsympathetic St. Louis banker who held the mortgage closed the cathedral doors. They did not open again for services until 1944. For a brief time in the interim the sanctuary was used as an anti-aircraft training center. The congregation spent part of their exodus worshiping in the Woman's Century Club at the southeast corner of Roy Street and Harvard Avenue.
Clubs, Cornish, an English Cottage, and Anhalt's Angles
The Woman’s Century Club, formed in 1891, for a while made its home in the clubhouse of the Seattle Federation of Women's Clubs at the southeast corner of Harvard Avenue and Thomas Street. In 1925, the club moved four blocks north directly across Roy Street from the Rainier Chapter of the Daughters of the American Revolution. The DAR’s Mount Vernon facsimile also opened in 1925. Together with the Cornish School of the Arts, which had moved to the northwest corner of the same intersection only four years earlier, the trio created at the intersection of Roy and Harvard the principal cultural center of the increasingly cosmopolitan Capitol Hill.
The 1931 addition of architect Arthur Loveless’s North Broadway Shopping Center, the "English cottage" next door to the DAR, made this two-block stretch of unique architecture a Seattle landmark of great distinction. Adding the many great homes to the north of Roy Street and to the west of Broadway Avenue amounts to what for many is the most charmed part of Capitol Hill. Included there (at 750 Belmont Avenue) is the first luxury apartment house designed by Frederick William Anhalt (1896-1996).
Sam Hill and SAM
In 1909, Sam and Mary Hill built their Classic Revival home on Highland Drive just west of Broadway Street. The couple was married in 1888 and since Mary was the daughter of James J. Hill, the "empire builder" of the Great Northern Railroad, she did not have to change her name. Sam Hill was the principal booster for the Northwest chapter of the Good Roads movement of the early twentieth century.
After Sam Hill's death in 1931, his home on Highland stood vacant until Theodore and Guendolen Plestcheeff purchased it in 1937. Born nearby on First Hill in the mid-1890s as Guendolen Carkeek, Guendolen Plestcheef lived in the Hill home until her death in 1994. As the daughter of Emily Carkeek (1852-1926), the founder of the Seattle Historical Society and during Seattle's late Victorian years the English-born Grande Dame of local culture, Guendolen Plestcheef was herself one of the city’s great advocates for arts and crafts.
Perhaps the greatest boost to local arts occurred on Capitol Hill a few months after Sam Hill’s passing and about five short blocks east of his home on Highland. In the 1930s, the city decided to allow Richard E. Fuller (1897-1976), president of the Art Institute of Seattle, and his mother Margaret (MacTavish) Fuller (1860-1953) locate their Art Institute of Seattle in the park. John Olmsted opposed this and the Olmsted relationship with Seattle ended.
The museum opened in 1933. It became the Seattle Art Museum, and was rededicated as the Seattle Asian Art Museum in 1994.
To go to Part 2, click "Next Feature"
The SCHOONER Project:
The Hon. Jan Drago
Seattle City Council
Seattle Department of Neighborhoods
Map showing Capitol Hill neighborhood of Seattle
Observation tower, Volunteer Park, 1910s
Courtesy UW Special Collection (SEA2086)
An advertisement for James A. Moore's Capitol Hill Addition, 1902
James Moore (1861-1929)
"Avenue of Mansions," 14th Avenue N, Capitol Hill, Seattle, 1906
13th Avenue near Volunteer Park, Seattle, 1900s
Capitol Hill Addition "boxes" advertised in the Seattle Mail and Herald, 1900s
Courtesy UW Special Collections
Capitol Hill Millionaire Row home at 14th Avenue N and Prospect, April 9, 2001
Seattle High School (later Washington High School, then Broadway High School) (William E. Boone and J. M. Corner, 1902), Seattle, ca. 1908
Courtesy Tacoma Public Library (29960)lic Library (163317)
Broadway Performance Hall, Broadway E, Seattle, June 3, 2011
HistoryLink.org Photo by Priscilla Long
Capitol Hill, lookin south, Seattle, 1920s
Columbia School (later Lowell School), Capitol Hill, Seattle, ca. 1906
750 Belmont Avenue E (Frederick William Anhalt, 1930), now Belmont Court, Seattle
14th Avenue N and Aloha Street, Capitol Hill, Seattle, 1910s
Asian Art Museum with Calder's Eagle, Volunteer Park, April 9, 2001
Jacqueline Block Williams, The Hill With A Future: Seattle's Capitol Hill, 1900-1946, (Seattle: CPK INK, 2001) Paul Dorpat, "Volunteer Park Voices," Story 86 Seattle Now and Then, Vol. 1, 2nd Edition (Seattle: Tartu Publications, 1984) Paul Dorpat, "Seattle's Second Hill," Story 80 Seattle Now and Then, Vol. 2, 2nd Edition (Seattle: Tartu Publications, 1988) Paul Dorpat, "Millionaire Row and Seattle's Wireless Man," Story 78 Ibid. Paul Dorpat, "Republican Hill Climb," Story 79 Ibid. Paul Dorpat, "Broadening of Broadway," Story 77 Ibid. Paul Dorpat, "The View From Denny Hill to Capitol Hill," Story 50 Ibid. Paul Dorpat Interview with Leonard Garfield, Director of the Museum of History and Industry, April 9, 2001, Seattle, Washington Casey Rosenberg, Streetcar Suburb: Architectural Roots of a Seattle Neighborhood (Seattle: Fanlight Press, ca. 1989) Shaping Seattle Architecture: A Historical Guide to the Architects ed. by Jeffrey Karl Ochsner (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1994) R. H. Thomson letterbooks, University of Washington Archives, University Manuscripts and Special Collections, University of Washington Libraries, Seattle, Washington.
Note: The name of Stephen Fielding Bayne Jr. was corrected on May 12, 2008.
During the Middle Ages, Europeans knew little, if anything, about the existence of the Americas. Scandinavian voyagers explored present-day Newfoundland around 1000 A.D., and made several attempts at colonization. Without dependable backing from strong nation-states, and in the face of a determined and violent opposition from native inhabitants, however, their fragile villages were ultimately abandoned and forgotten.
In Europe, territorial battles between Christians and Muslims dominated much of the period between the 11th and 14th centuries. By the middle of the 15th century, Europeans had grown accustomed to a variety of exotic Asian goods including silk, drugs, perfume, and spices. However, Muslim forces controlled key passageways to the east and forced European tradesmen to pay huge sums for their ways. European consumers tired of the increasing prices and demanded faster, less expensive routes to Asia. During this era, as city-states and emerging nations fostered a new-found enthusiasm for expansion and exploration, Christopher Columbus was born in the Italian port of Genoa. The son of a wool-comber, Columbus spent his youth learning his father’s trade. By his teenage years, he became a seaman and took part in voyages to England and Ireland with Portuguese mariners.
The invention of the printing press around this time made information sharing much easier. Journals described the experiences of many explorers, including the travels of Marco Polo to Asia almost three hundred years earlier. Europeans were captivated by his descriptions of incredible wealth and golden pagodas.
Columbus, too, became caught up in the excitement and read many books on navigation and geography. He eventually devised a plan to find a westward route to Asia. In 1484, he presented his plan to King John II of Portugal but was denied financial support. He spent years asking the rulers of various countries, including France and England, for assistance before Spain’s Queen Isabella and King Ferdinand finally agreed to help. The monarchs wanted desperately to spread Christianity throughout the world and increase the Spanish presence over that of Portugal. Of course, the opportunity to acquire gold and riches greatly influenced their decision as well.
Once Columbus received the support he had been seeking so long, he surprised many by making a series of demands. Should he succeed on his voyage, he wanted to be knighted, appointed Admiral of the Ocean Sea and viceroy (governor) of any new lands he discovered, and awarded ten percent of any profits generated by his expedition. The Spanish monarchs reluctantly agreed to his stipulations and provided Columbus with three small ships and a crew of about ninety sailors.
On August 3, 1492, the Niña, the Pinta, and the Santa Maria set sail from Palos in southern Spain. The fleet spent almost a month in the Canary Islands to make repairs and gather supplies. With the maintenance chores complete, Columbus continued his voyage west. Much like many sailors of the 15th century, Columbus’s men were superstitious and wary of venturing too far from land. The weather remained fair for most of the journey but crew members often pleaded with their leader to turn around and return home. Columbus refused. Then, on October 12, 1492, as the exhausted sailors grew closer to mutiny, lookout Roderigo de Triana spied land from his perch atop the mast of the Pinta. His cries of “Tierra! Tierra!” echoed across the water to the crews on the other ships.
Columbus led a party ashore, drove a flag into the ground, and called the new land San Salvador (Holy Savior). Although he was standing on an island in the Bahamas, Columbus was so positive that he had found the East Indies that he named the natives “Indians.” He then ventured on to Cuba, which he thought was China, and mistook Haiti (Hispaniola) for Japan. Thinking that he had retraced Marco Polo’s footsteps, Columbus took what gold and natural resources he could carry aboard his ships back to Spain. The king and queen were impressed with his findings and agreed to fund more excursions to the New World. Although Columbus repeated his journey three more times, he refused to accept the evidence that the people, animals, and plants of the New World were nothing like those found in Europe or Asia. He remained convinced that he had discovered a new westward route to the Indies.
Seattle Labor History HighlightsHighlights of the history of working people in Washington State are depicted in a stunning new mural at the Washington State Labor Council headquarters on Jackson at 16th. More about the mural. Here is the WSLC news magazine
Few cities make use of labor history the way Seattle does. The city proudly recognizes struggles like the Seattle General Strike of 1919 and the WTO &ldquoBattle of Seattle&rdquo as part of what makes the region famous and important. News media, city officials, and educators join in commemorating key anniversaries. This is no accident. It reflects the continued political importance of unions and the ongoing cultural work of labor activists and labor educators.
In a recent article, I discussed Seattle’s Left Coast Formula. The term references political traditions that Seattle shares with other West Coast cities, especially San Francisco. Linked by business enterprise, migration, and geo-economic function, left coast cities developed institutions and expectations that have kept radicalism alive for more than a century while allowing political elites identified as liberals or progressives to stay in power pretty consistently. No Guilianis or Bloombergs win elections in these cities. And the relationship more recently includes intriguingly complicated political negotiations. Seattle and its left coast sister cities respond both to the awesome authority of tech titan billionaires and to the insurgent demands of unions and radical social movements.
Seattle has a long history of labor radicalism dating back into the 19th century. A lumber village sited between trees and water, Seattle incorporated in 1869, taking the name of chief Sealth, a leader of the Suquamish and Duwamish people whose land had been seized in the 1850s. The Northern Pacific railroad arrived in 1884, expanding and diversifying the population. Chinese workers were among those seeking work and a new start. In 1886, mobs of whites, many of them affiliated with the Knights of Labor, attacked Chinatown and after a violent clash with city authorites, forced residents to board ships bound for San Francisco. Similar incidents drove Chinese workers out of Tacoma and much of the the Territory.
Washington became a state in 1888 and unions of many kinds were already exerting influence, as were radical farmers. The 1896 election of a People&rsquos Party candidate for Governor, John R. Rogers, signalled a radical turn and inspired a deliberate experiment in political migration. Members of Eugene Debs&rsquo Social Democracy of America announced a plan to take over a state and turn it toward socialism. They chose Washington and set out to recruit colonists. The result was a string of cooperative settlements up and down Puget Sound, most of which folded within a few years. But radicals continued to look to the region. By 1912 the state was one of the bright spots for the Socialist Party. Only four states counted more dues paying members than Washington.
Washington became even more important to the Industrial Workers of the World. The key IWW newspaper, The Industrial Worker, set up operations in Spokane in 1909 and moved to Seattle four years later. These developments reveal one of dynamics of Seattle radicalism, the interplay between reputation and political migration. The story that something was happening in Puget Sound became self-fulfilling as members of first one generation of Reds then other generations moved across country to participate.
The general strike of February 1919 doubled that effect. Seattle is known for many things these days, but for much of the last century, a good portion of its reputation rested on the dramatic events of ninety-eight years ago.The Seattle Union Record, the mass circulation paper owned the Labor Council, announces the plan to strike on February 3, three days before the start the general strike. See Seattle General Strike Project
It began in the shipyards which employed 35,000 workers during WWI. Promised raises that were never forthcoming, the shipyard workers struck and appealed to the Seattle Central Labor Council for help. In a remarkable show of solidarity, more than 100 unions agreed. On the morning of February 6, more 60,000 union members quit work, bringing the city to a stand still. Meanwhile the Labor Council arranged for unions to take over key services, including feeding thousands. Although entirely peaceful, the general strike was construed by the Mayor and the major newspapers as a call for revolution. As federal troops stood by, support withered and after five days, the Labor Council called it off.
The 1930s saw a new burst of radical labor activism, first in mass participation in unemployed movements, then in the building of powerful unions. The 1934 longshore strike that led to a general strike in San Francisco involved a near general strike in Seattle. For 83 days, maritime workers and their supporters kept the port closed despite several battles with police that cost three lives. Out of this struggle would come the ILWU which for the last 80 years has anchored progressive unionism up and down the West Coast. In 1935, a campaign to organize the region&rsquos key industry&ndash wood &ndash resulted in a second pivotal strike and the creation of the International Woodworkers of America, another leftwing union.
Radicals were also effective in electoral politics. The Washington Commonwealth Federation, led initially by former socialists, then dominated by the Communist Party, pushed the Democratic Party to the left, winning elections and influencing state and local policy. “There are forty-seven states in the Union and the Soviet of Washington,&rdquo FDR&rsquos campaign manager allegedly said during the 1936 campaign, signally a renewal of the state&rsquos radical reputation.
If the left was visible and effective throughout the 1930s and 1940s, two unions of lasting importance belonged not to the CIO, but the more conservative AFL. Teamster Dave Beck developed organizing and boycott strategies that became key to unionizing the trucking industry from Seattle to Los Angeles. In 1936, airplane mogul Bill Boeing signed a contract with the Army Air Corps to build B-17 bombers and at the same time agreed to recognize the International Association of Machinists as the bargaining agent for workers in what would soon become the most important employer in the state.
Bill Boeing was a notorious segregationist and &ldquoWhites only&rdquo was the rule in the IAM, so the company and union collaborated to deny employment to Black and Asian workers until a 1940 campaign led by the African American publisher William H. Wilson and his Northwest Enterprise, and drawing support from the Communist Party and progressive whites, forced Boeing to begin hiriing African Americans. The IAM agreed to the expanded labor market but refused membership to African American workers until 1946.
Civil rights activism had a longer history than labor movements in the region, starting with the first Native struggles to protect livelihoods and freedom. An early NAACP chapter had scored small victories in the 1910s and 1920s. In the 1930s, Filipino cannery workers formed an effective and radical union while the Japanese American Courier tried to represent the city&rsquos largest community of color.
The campaign for rights and dignity took new and more effective forms in the 1960s, first with the clever campaigns of CORE, SNCC, the Japanese American Citizens League, then with the new radicalisms of the late 1960s and 1970s.
Seattle&rsquos Black Panther Party chapter, initiated by members of the Black Student Union at UW, captured the imagination of a generation and soon a vibrant Asian American movement and Chicano activists were making waves and making history. In 1970, members of the pan-Indian organization, United Indians of All Tribes, scaled the fences of Fort Lawton, the soon to be de-commissioned Army base near the heart of Seattle and reclaimed the land for its original owners. Violently evicted, they returned, and ultimately won a victory that established the Daybreak Star Cultural Center.Seattle Post-Intelligencer front page story about the United Indians of All Tribes' first attempt to reclaim Fort Lawton land on March 8, 1970. See Seattle Civil Rights & Labor History Project report
Our current political era dates from the WTO demonstrations in the final days of the last millennium. That event was the coming out party for a reenergized and reradicalized labor movement, which has been a powerful ally for progressives ever since. It inspired activism on many fronts including the social movements that Ruth Milkman links to the Millennial generation. It also fired up eco-radicals who joined trade unionists in the streets in 1999 and have maintained an effective blue-green alliance ever since. This was on display two years ago when climate change activists supported by labor blockaded a shell oil platform that was headed for Alaska. The press called it “Paddle in Seattle” as hundreds of kayaks filled Elliot Bay.
In today’s resurgent progressive politics, the labor movement plays a pivotal role. Leaders of the state federation and King County Labor Council pursue an aggressive social justice agenda centered on living wage campaigns. This began to yield results in 1996 when the State Labor Council funded a successful statewide ballot measure that gave Washington the highest minimum wage in the nation. Teachers unions and the Service Employees International Union (SEIU) followed with other ballot measures. In 2001, Washington voters gave home care workers the right to join a union and to bargain collectively with the state. Today, 40,000 home care and day care workers are members of SEIU. Meanwhile, Seattle unions launched a campaign for a sick leave ordinance. In 2011, the city council agreed, making Seattle just the third city in the country to require all employers to provide sick leave benefits.
All this was a prelude to the push for a $15 minimum wage which began not in Seattle itself but in the nearby city of SeaTac, where the airport is located. SEIU, with support from other unions, crafted a SeaTac ballot measure raising the minimum wage for employees of the airlines and airport-related businesses. When residents of the suburb voted yes in a tight 2013 election, the stage was set to move the campaign into Seattle itself. Six months later, in June 2014, the city council passed a phased-in $15 minimum wage.
Since November, there has been more electrifying moments. Protest marches seem to be weekly occurance, and for all intents and purposes are officially sanctioned. Seattle&rsquos mayor and the state&rsquos governor have joined many, including the January Womxns March which counted as many as 120,000 participants in a city of 700,000.
But in the article for Dissent, I described Seattle as a city with a dual personality. On the one hand, we have these dynamic social movements and progressive elected officials, while on the other hand, the city is being carved up and redeveloped in one of the most intense building booms in its history, largely engineered by a pair of billionaires, Paul Allen and Jeff Bezos.
If you want to contemplate the reconstruction of Seattle at the hands of the billionaires, there are two neighborhoods to visit. Across Lake Union, about a mile north of downtown, is an area now known as &ldquoAmazonia.&rdquo It’s other name is South Lake Union and it used to be a neighborhood of warehouses and auto dealerships. Fifteen years ago, Paul Allen who co-founded Microsoft and now plays with rocket ships, football and basketball teams, and real-estate, began buying up block after block of South Lake Union. Then he made a deal with Jeff Bezos to bring Amazon’s headquarters and thousands upon thousands of Amazon’s programmers, designers, managers, and engineers into the area. These “amazombies,” as they are called by some locals—they are mostly young white tech guys wearing distinctive badges&ndash now number about 20,000 and are predicted to double in the next few years.
This is just part of the growth story. The city’s population has increased 21% in the last fifteen years. And now other companies like Weyerhaeuser and Expedia are moving from the suburbs into the heart of the city. So there is a weird schizophrenic feel to the city. The billionaire’s redevelopment plans and the radical movements and progressive leadership in city hall are all sharing this moment and they are linked in surprising ways. Not oppositional. Bezos, Allen, Microsoft, the Gates Foundation haven’t said a peep in opposition to what the city council has been doing. The $15 minimum wage law, fine. The paid sick days law, fine. LGBT and immigrant rights, fine. Most recently the very progressive City Council passed a Secure Scheduling law, requiring large companies to let their employees know their work schedules two weeks in advance. Starbucks is not happy about that, but the tech titans don’t care.The Fight for 15 movement had been active for years before the SeaTac breakthrough in 2013. In Seattle, a proposed ballot measure that would have raised the minimum wage immediately to $15 was undercut by a phased increase law preferred by the mayor and city council. See SeaTac/Seattle Minimum Wage Project
Meanwhile, progressive politicians give a green light to what the billionaires want, freedom to carve up the city and public funds for new transportation systems. We are building tunnels and bridges like crazy and finally a light rail system, and streets are being retrofitted with bike lanes, and neighborhoods are being up zoned for greater density and huge complexes of apartments are going up in many areas. Count the construction cranes chopping up the skyline. Seattle is a developer’s dream.
Why the green light? It reflects a curious set of alliances that involves first, the labor movement, whose leadership is very progressive but also dedicated to supporting job creation and the construction trades. Secondly, it is driven by an urbanist coalition of eco activists and bicycle activists who want a green city, a denser city not dependent on automobiles. They have made common cause with developers and with Mayor Ed Murray whose housing task force is pushing relaxed zoning and the apartment building boom claiming that this will address the escalating price of housing and the crisis of hyper gentrification.
Kowtowing to developers seems like a weird answer to gentrification but oddly in this supposedly progressive city, opposition has been muted. There are of course critics like Kshama Sawant (our Socialist Alternative city council member). She and some others call for rent control, a millionaire’s tax, and other direct approaches. But state law prevents cities from enacting rent control. So the city council is fiddling with ineffective plans to require developers to include a few below market rate units while they rip down block after block of older structures and evict tenants who will not be able to afford the new housing.
Here is another little walk I would recommend. Travel south from campus across the Montlake Bridge and another two miles along 23rd Ave. This is the heart of the Central District, Seattle’s historic African American and also Asian American neighborhood. No longer. Hyper gentrification has forced families of color out of that neighborhood and more and more out of the city. The CD, as it is known, is now only 20% African American. San Francisco, Portland, Berkeley, even Oakland are experiencing something similar, becoming richer, whiter and more Asian, losing working class families even while their political reputations seem to promise a new era of progressive action.
Where does it lead? Can the exciting social movements continue in a city that is affordable only for well-paid tech professionals? Will the billionaires continue to tolerate them? Will the tech boom (or is it a tech bubble) continue? Will the political leaders and voters at any point find the courage to say no to the plutocrats? We will see.
This introduction was written by James Gregory for the Scales of Struggle Conference of the Labor and Working Class History Association which met in Seattle June 22-25, 2017